মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রী সমীপে বীর মুক্তিযোদ্ধা মোকতেল হোসেন মুক্তির আবেদন 

মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রী, আমি বিশেষ্য বিশেষন দিয়ে তোষামোদি করতে জানিনা। তাই সরাসরি আমার কিছু না বলা কথা এবং কিছু হতভাগা মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের করুন ইতিহাস আপনার সদয় অবগতির জন্য মিডিয়ার সাহায্য নিতে বাধ্য হলাম।আপা, আমি একজন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা। মুজিবনগরে প্রশিক্ষণ নেয়া যোদ্ধা।
  স্বাধীনতাত্তোর বাংলাদেশে ১৯৭২ সালের ২রা মার্চ জাতিরজনক বংগবন্ধু/বাংলাদেশের প্রথম প্রধানমন্ত্রী শহীদ তাজুদ্দিন আহমেদ একজন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা হিসেবেই ১০ মিনিটের নির্দেশে ভূমি মন্ত্রণালয়ে চাকুরী প্রদান করেছিলেন। ৭ দিন কি ৮ দিন পায়ে হেটে না খেয়ে মুজিবনগরে গিয়ে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের প্রশিক্ষণ নিয়েছিলাম একটি স্বাধীন সার্বভৌম জাতিরাষ্ট্র প্রতিষ্ঠার নেশায়।

এ নেশা সাড়ে সাত কোটি মানুষের রক্তে মাংসে অস্তিত্বে মগজে সেলের মত বিধেছিল ১৯৭১ সালের ৭ই মার্চ "পশ্চিমা হানাদার বাহিনীর হাত থেকে বাংলাকে মুক্ত করতে হবে" জাতিরজনকের এই উদাত্ত আহবানে সারা দেয়া কী ভুল সিদ্ধান্ত ছিল? তাই আমি মুক্তিযোদ্ধা। নামবিহীন অস্তিত্ববিহীন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা! নাম বদলে দিলাম। মোঃ মোকতেল হোসেন থেকে নাম বদলে হয়ে গেলাম মোকতেল হোসেন মুক্তি।
পরবর্তীতে জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধু ১৩ই এপ্রিল ১৯৭২ সালে মন্ত্রী পরিষদ গঠন করে প্রধানমন্ত্রী হলে মাদারীপুরের কৃতি সন্তান মহান মুক্তিযুদ্ধের অন্যতম সংগঠক খাদ্যমন্ত্রী প্রয়াত ফনি ভূষন মজুমদারের অনুস্বাক্ষরে বঙ্গবন্ধু প্রধানমন্ত্রী ত্রাণ তহবীল থেকে এক হাজার টাকার অনুমোদন (মাদারীপুর মহকুমা প্রশাসক অফিসে) এবং ৩ বান ঢেউ টিন প্রদান করেন।
ভূমি মন্ত্রণালয়ের কর্মচারীদের রেকর্ডে একজন মুক্তিযোদ্ধার কোটায় আমার চাকুরী হয়েছিল। স্বাধীন বাংলাদেশের সচিবালয়ে আমিই ভূমি মন্ত্রণালয়ের প্রথম নিয়োগপ্রাপ্ত কর্মচারী ছিলাম। আমার ডিউটি ছিল জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনার ফুফা, বঙ্গবন্ধুর ভগ্নিপতি, সাবেক চীপ হুইপ আলহাজ্ব হাসনাত আব্দুল্লাহ সেরনিয়াবাত এর গর্বিত পিতা, যুবলীগের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা শেখ ফজলুল হক মনি ভাইয়ের শ্বশুর, সাংসদ ব্যারিষ্ঠার তাপসের নানা সাবেক কৃষক লীগের সভাপতি ভুমি মন্ত্রী ও পরবর্তীতে পানি সম্পদ মন্ত্রী শহীদ আব্দুর রব সেরনিয়াবাতের বাসায়।

ইতিহাসের ঘৃণ্য কালো অধ্যায় ১৫ঈ আগস্টের মধ্যযূগীয় বর্বর হত্যাকান্ডের লাশ দেখে আমি পাগল হয়ে যাই। পিজি হাসপাতালে আমার ৩ মাস চিকিতসা চলে এবং সে তিন মাসের বেতন ভূমি মন্ত্রণালয় কর্তন করে। এ কথা সকলেই জানেন।আমি ভারতের প্রশিক্ষনপ্রাপ্ত মুক্তিযোদ্ধা। আমার ঘরের সব কাগজপত্র আমার ভাইদের শিক্ষার সনদ, জমির দলিল দস্তাফেজ সমূহ সব মানসিক ভারসাম্য হারিয়ে ছিড়ে ফেলি। আমার পরিবারের সব আমি ধংস করে ফেলেছিলাম। ভুমি মন্ত্রনালয় তার প্রমান।
আমি মন্ত্রীকে এসব কথা বলাতে আমাকে অপমান করতে পারেন না। আমি প্রবাসে থাকি। আমাকে আবেদনের সুযোগ না দিয়ে অপমান করার অধিকার মন্ত্রীর নাই। তিনি আমার দরখাস্ত গ্রহন করা ও না করার অধিকার রাখেন কিন্তু মেজর জেনারেল সুবিদ আলীর নির্দেশে  আমাকে অপমান করতে পারেন না। তিনি আমার আবেদনে লিখেছেন
“যেহেতু আবেদনকারী বহুবার দেশে এসেছিলেন এবং আবেদন করেন নি তাই তার আবেদন গ্রহন করা গেল না”
তিনি মেজর জেনারেল সুবিদ আলীর শিখানো কথা মত বললেনঃ ৪৫ বছর পরে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা হতে এসেছে। বের করে দেন”।
আমি মুক্তিযোদ্ধাই নই, একজন সক্রিয় আওয়ামি যোদ্ধা। মুক্তিযুদ্ধ ছাড়া আমার জীবনে অন্য কোন বিষয় কাজ করেনি এবং এ মুক্তিযুদ্ধ বংগবন্ধ ও আওয়ামী লীগই আমার ধ্যান ধারনা চিন্তা চেতনা আদর্শ এ কথা প্রমান করে আমার ৬০ হাজার প্রায় লীফলেটস, ব্যানার ও পোষ্টার এশিয়ায় ইন্টারনেট চালু হবার পর থেকেই কার বিনা প্ররোচনায় করে এসেছি। শুধু তাই নয় আমি ২০০ ওয়েব সাইট ও ব্লগ মেইনটেইন করি যা’শুধু যুদ্ধাপরাধী মুক্তিযুদ্ধ ও বঙ্গবন্ধু ও আওয়ামী লীগ সংক্রান্ত। এ সকল ছবি ও ব্লগ/ওয়েবসাইটগুলোই প্রমান করে যে আমি মুক্তিযুদ্ধ নিয়ে রীতিমত একজন বদ্ধ উন্মাদসম গবেষক।
Just write my name on the google search engine where you’ll get real Identity of mine “write Moktel Hossain Mukthi or muktimusician.
এ ছাড়াও আমি একজন একনিষ্ঠ অনলাইন আওয়ামী যোদ্ধা। মালদ্বীপের বঙ্গবন্ধু পরিষদ এবং আওয়ামী লীগের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা ও সভাপতি, মালদ্বীপের মাটিতে আমিই সর্ব প্রথম মুক্তিযুদ্ধ বঙ্গবন্ধু এবং পাকিস্তানের ৩০ লক্ষ বাঙ্গালী হত্যাযজ্ঞের বিরুদ্ধে প্রকাশ্য জনসভায় বক্তৃতা প্রদান করে পাকিস্তান হাই কমিশনের মামলা খাওয়া একজন মালদ্বীপ সরকারের শিক্ষক।
মন্ত্রী মহোদয় এ সব পরিচয় জানার পরেও বলেন নি যে আপনি বসেন বা কিছু বরং তাঁর আচার ব্যবহার এতই রুঢ় ছিল যা’ শিবির বা জামাতের কারো সাথে করছেন বলে অনুমেয়। আমার সাথে ভদ্র ভাষায় কথাও বলেন নি। এক পর্যায়ে জেনারেল সুবিদ আলীর কথায় তিনি আমাকে ঘাড় ধরে তাঁর কক্ষ থেকে বেড় করে দেয়ার কথা বলেন এবং অতঃপর.........।।
তিনি মন্ত্রী না হলে হয়তো সেখানেই কোন দুর্ঘটনা ঘটে যেতো। আমি আমার নিজেকে নিয়ন্ত্রন করে চলে আসি। আমার সহযোদ্ধারা এখনো অনেকেই বেচে আছেন। ড: গোলাপ আমার সাথের একই ক্যাম্পের যোদ্ধা। আওয়ামি যোদ্ধা।
মুক্তিযোদ্ধা বিষয়ক মন্ত্রী সব সময় প্রচন্ড মিথ্যা কথা বলেন। যা' মিডিয়া ও বক্তৃতায় বলেন, বাস্তবের সাথে তার কোন মিল নেই; তিনি যা বলেন সব মিথ্যা কথা মিথ্যা তথ্য। এখনো বহু আসল মুক্তিযোদ্ধার নাম তালিকাভুক্ত করতে পারেনি অথচ তিনি বক্তৃতায় ঘোষনা করলেন সকল জীবিত মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের কথা রেকর্ড করা হবে। আসল অনেক মুক্তিযোদ্ধার নামই সংগ্রহ করতে পারেন নি-তিনি কিভাবে এ ঘোষনা প্রদান করেন? 
তার দেয়া সব তথ্য জাতিকে বিভক্ত করছে; মহান মুক্তিযুদ্ধের চেতনা কলঙ্কিত হচ্ছে। নতুন তালিকা প্রণয়নের নামে এগুলো প্রতারণা। মুক্তিযোদ্ধা বিষয়ক মন্ত্রী মিথ্যাচার করছেন। মিডিয়া, দেশবাসী এমন কি মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীকে প্রতারণা করছেন । দেশের প্রত্যন্ত অঞ্চলে উপজেলা ও জেলাসমূহে যে দুর্নীতি চলছে, যে সনদ ও মুক্তিযোদ্ধা যাচাই বাছাইয়ের নামে ব্যবসা বাণিজ্য শুরু হয়েছে তাতে আওয়ামী লীগের বিগত বছরগুলোর সকল সফলতা এমন কি মহান মুক্তিযুদ্ধে আওয়ামী লীগের যে অবদান সব মলিন হয়ে যাবে এই মুক্তিযুদ্ধ বিষয়ক মন্ত্রীদের মত স্বজনপ্রীতি দুর্নীতি গ্রস্থ নেতা/কমান্ডারদের কারনে।
কারন আপনি আদর্শিক কারনে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের ইতিহাস সংরক্ষন ও মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের মূল্যায়ন করছেন।  সমস্ত মন্ত্রী এম পি দের তৃনমূলের সাথে কোন সম্পর্ক নেই। ক্ষমতা ও অর্থ সম্পদ শালী মধ্য শ্রেণীর নেতা যার মধ্যে অর্ধেকই প্রায় জামাত শিবির ও বি এন পি, তাদের সাথে তাল মিলিয়ে, হাত মিলিয়ে আমার মত পাগল ছাগল নিবেদিত ত্যাগি সৎ নিষ্ঠাবান অভিজ্ঞ উচিত কথাবলার প্রকৃত মুক্তিসেনাদের এভাবেই তারা অপমান তাচ্ছিল্য করে দূরে সরিয়ে রাখে। যে কারনে ছাত্রলীগের ছেলেদের সেনাবাহিনী নৌ বাহিনী বিমান বাহিনী পুলিশ বিজিবি ও অন্যান্য সরকারী ভালো পদে চাকুরী হয় না।
কারন ওরা ত টাকা দিতে পারবে না। দলীয় ছাত্র লীগের ছেলেদের নিকট টাকা চাইতেও পারে না; যদি আবার নেত্রীকে বলে দেয় বা জানিয়ে দেয়। তাই গোপনে আওয়ামী লীগের নেত্রীর বিশ্বাসী নেতাগন গোপনে চাকুরী প্রদান করে, স্কুল কলেজ বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে ছাত্র ছাত্রীদের ভর্তির সুপারিশ ও তদবীর করে জামাত বি এন পির ছেলে মেয়েদের । কারন টাকা পাওয়া যাবে।
উত্তরা ও এয়ারপোর্ট থানা এলাকায় আমার বাস। আমার জানা মতে ঠিক আমারই মত ত্যাগি জীবনবাজী রেখে নৌকার জন্য ভোট সংগ্রহ কারীর একটি মেয়েকে বঙ্গ মাতা স্কুলে ভর্তির জন্য কি না করেছে? মায়া ভাই পর্যন্ত বিষয়টি জানতেন। সে মেয়েটি সুযোগ পায়নি; দেখা গেছে-ঢাকা এয়ারপোর্ট ও বিমানে চাকুরীরত জামাত বি এন পির ছেলে মেয়েরা অজানা রহস্যের কারনে সবাই সুযোগ পেয়ে গিয়েছে।
এর নাম স্বাধীনতা ? মুক্তিযুদ্ধ ? আওয়ামী লীগ ? এত সে বঙ্গবন্ধুর নৌকা ডুবানোর দুরদন্ত শয়তানী মাঝি খন্দকার মোস্তাক আহমেদ, শাহ মোয়াজ্জেম হোসেন, চাষী মাহবুবুল আলম, নূরুল ইসলাম, কে এম ওবায়দুর রহমান তাহের উদ্দিন ঠাকুরদের চেয়ে একটূ কম নয়। আমিই হলাম বাঙ্গালী জাতির মধ্যে সবচেয়ে কুলাঙ্গার। ধিক্রিত অবহেলিত লাঞ্ছিত মূর্খ বেয়াকুপ বেয়াক্কেল আহাম্মদ বোকা গাধা । না পারলাম প্রাণ খুলে হাসতে না পারলাম দুটি কন্যা সন্তানকে প্রাণ খুলে হাসতে। কি লাভ হল? এ স্বাধীনতায়? যে স্বাধীনতা আমার অস্তিত্বকে স্বীকৃতি দেয় না; সে স্বাধীনতাকে আমি কেন স্বীকৃতি দেব? রাষ্ট্রই যদি আমাকে নাগরিক হিসেবে স্বীকৃতি না দেয়, আমি কেন রাষ্ট্র হিসেবে স্বীকৃতি দেবো? কেউ দেবে না। এটাই নিয়ম, এটাই লজিক। জানি আমি এতে হবো রাষ্ট্রদ্রোহী। তাও মন্দ কী? একটা কিছু ত হবো? আওয়ামী লীগের একজন মন্ত্রী একজন মুক্তিযোদ্ধাকে ঘাড় ধরে বেড় করে দেয়?? এ স্বাধীনতার অর্থ কী? কেন পেলাম? কি আশায় স্বাধীন হলাম? কিসের নেশায় নৌকা নৌকা মুজিব মুজিব করে জীবনের শেষ অবস্থানটুকুকে ধূলিসাৎ করে দিয়ে নির্বাসিত হলাম এই দ্বীপ রাজ্য মালদ্বীপে । ভুল কোথায়? ভুল তো আছেই হয়তো জানিনা জীবনের কোথায় কোন সিদ্ধান্তে বড় রকমের ভুল ছিল। তাই ভুলের মাশুল দিয়ে গেলাম ৬৫ বছর বয়সের মুক্তিযোদ্ধা মোকতেল হোসেন মুক্তি।
ভুল তথ্য দিচ্ছেন। এর সমাধান চাই। এর একটি পরিস্কার ব্যাখ্যা চাই; সত্যের জয় হবে; তাই চাই; জাতিরজনকের নাম ভাঙ্গিয়ে কেউ ক্ষমতায় থেকে বঙ্গবন্ধুর সৈনিকদের নিয়ে রঙ তামাশা করবে; মুক্তিযোদ্ধা নির্ধারণের নামে ব্যবসা করবে, এর জন্য যুদ্ধে যাইনি, এর জন্য ৩০ লক্ষ বাঙ্গালী শহীদ হয়নি; এর জন্য ২ লক্ষ ৪০ হাজার মা বোনের ইজ্জত হারায়নি। আসল মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের তালিকাই করতে ব্যর্থ মোজাম্মেল হক।
এই মিথ্যাচারের জন্য আল্লাহ্‌ বিচার করবেন রোজ হাসরের দিন। মহান আল্লাহর বিচারে কারো হাত নেই। আল্লাহর উপরে কোন মন্ত্রী নেই; আল্লাহর উপরে বিচারক নেই; রোজ হাসরের থেকে শক্তিশালী ক্ষমতাবান কোন আদালত নেই। বহু আসল মুক্তিযোদ্ধা এখনো তালিকার বাইরে এবং এ সমস্যা আগামী ১০০ বছরেও কোন সরকার সমাধান করতে পারবে না। ভুয়া মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের কথা রেকর্ড হবে ।
মন্ত্রী নিজেও জানে না যে উপজেলা জেলা গুলোতে এই তালিকা নিয়ে কি পরিমান টাকার ছাড়াছড়ি চলছে? কি পরিমান ব্যবসা করছে নব্য থানা কমান্ডারগণ। এমন কোন উপজেলা নেই যেখানে সত্যকারের মুক্তিযোদ্ধা বাদ পড়ে নাই এবং ভূয়া মিথ্যা তথ্য প্রদানকারী মন্ত্রীর ক্ষমতা বলে নয়তো এম পির ক্ষমতা বলে অথবা উপজেলা নির্বাহী কর্মকর্তার ক্ষমতা বলে নতুন তালিকায় নাম লিখিয়েছে। এমন প্রমান আমার গ্রামে আমার ইউনিয়নে রয়েছে। আমি ত অন্যের ক্কথা শূনে এ সব লিখিনি ভাই।ফুরিয়ে যাচ্ছে ৭১ এর সোনার ছেলে মেয়েরা, বেচে থাকবে শুধু ৭১ এ জন্ম নেয়া নব্য মুক্তিযোদ্ধারা, যারা লক্ষ টাকায় মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সনদ কিনে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা হয়েছে। আমরা মুজিবনগরে (ভারতে) প্রশিক্ষণপ্রাপ্ত মুক্তিযোদ্ধা এর চেয়ে বড় পরিচয়ের প্রয়োজন আছে বলে মনে করি না। মাননীয় প্রধান মন্ত্রীর বিশেষ সহকারী ডঃ আব্দুস সোবহান গোলাপ ভারতের চাদপাড়া এবং পরবর্তীতে ব্যারাকপুর মুক্তিযোদ্ধা প্রশিক্ষণ শিবিরে প্রশিক্ষণ নেয়া মুক্তিযোদ্ধা এবং আমরাও একই সময়ে একই শিবিরে একই কমান্ডারের অধীন প্রশিক্ষণ নেয়া মুক্তিযোদ্ধা। ডঃ আব্দুস সোবহান গোলাপের নাম যদি মুক্তিযোদ্ধা সংসদের তালিকায় থাকতে পারে, তবে আমাদের নাম থাকবে না কেন? শুধু আমরা নই, সারা বাংলাদেশে বহু অখ্যাত অপরিচিত অশিক্ষিত অজো পাড়া গায়ে ছড়িয়ে ছিটিয়ে থাকা বহু প্রকৃত মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের নাম এখনো তালিকাভুক্ত হয়নি। বহু মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ইতোমধ্যেই পরলোকগমন করেছেন, কোন স্বীকৃতি ও সুযোগ সুবিধা ভোগ না করেই তারা চলে গেছেন বাঙ্গালী জাতিকে মহান স্বাধীনতা প্রদান করে। তাদের নাম কে তালিকাভুক্ত করবে? কেন একটি সঠিক তদন্ত কমিটি কর্তৃক সারা দেশে মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের তালিকা করা হয়নি? এ প্রশ্ন সরকার ও দেশবাসীর কাছে। আমরা মনে করি মহান মুক্তিযুদ্ধের নেত্রিত্বদানকারী দল হিসেবে জাতিরজনক বংগবন্ধু কন্যা শেখ হাসিনার সরকারের এ মহান দায়িত্ব মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের জীবদ্ধশায় সম্পন্ন করা উচিত। সবাই শেয়ার করুন, মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের প্রতি সত্যিকারে শ্রদ্ধা থাকে।
আমার সার্টিফিকেট দরকার নাই। কোন ভাতার দরকার নাই। আপনি মুসলমান দাবী করলে আমি কেন করবো না? আমিও তো  নামাজ পড়ি? মন্ত্রী আমাকে অপমান করতে পারে না। তার চেয়ে আওয়ামী লীগের জন্য আমার অবদান সেই ৬৯ থেকে অদ্যাবধি তিল পরিমান কম নয়; বঙ্গবন্ধু আমাকে চাকুরী দিয়েছিলেন সচিবালয়ে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা হিসেবে। অমুক্তিযোদ্ধা ভাতা পায় এবং তা আওয়ামী লীগের আমলে এবং আওয়ামী লীগের মন্ত্রীর স্বাক্ষরে কেন? আমার কি ইচ্ছে করে না যে আমার সন্তান মুক্তিযোদ্ধার সন্তান হিসেবে বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে ভর্তি হোক। আমার সন্তানের কি ইচ্ছে করে না, তার বাবা মুক্কতিযোদ্ধা এ কথা অন্য দশজনের নিকট বলে গৌরব বোধ করতে? মন্ত্রীর ইচ্ছে মত চলতে পারে না; এ সব তথ্য নেত্রীর জানা দরকার।
নিবেদক - মোকতেল হোসেন মুক্তি, কন্ঠশিল্পী মুক্তিযোদ্ধা,
প্রতিষ্ঠাতা সভাপতি, সময়৭১।
মালদ্বীপ আওয়ামী লীগ
বঙ্গবন্ধু পরিষদ, মালদ্বীপ শাখা
সাধারণ সম্পাদক
মালদ্বীপস্থ প্রবাসী বাংলাদেশী কমিউনিটি এসোসিয়েশন
সুরকার গীতিকার ও সঙ্গীত পরিচালক
সঙ্গীত শিক্ষক
জয় বাংলা জয় বঙ্গবন্ধু ।

১৫ই আগষ্ট ১৯৭৫ সাল।

“বাঙ্গালী জাতির স্বাধীনতা, সার্বভৌমত্ব ও অস্তিত্ব বিপর্যায়ের মহাকাল”।

৭১ এ হেরে যাওয়া হিংস্র হায়েনা পশু পাকিস্তান আই এস আই ও স্বদেশী পা’চাটা নরপিশাচ সাম্প্রদায়িক মৌলবাদী ঘাতক দালাল আল বদর আল শামস আল রাজাকার কর্তৃক মধ্যযুগীয় বর্বর হত্যাকাণ্ডের নীল নক্সা বাস্তবায়নের তৃতীয় অধ্যায়ের পরিসমাপ্তি ঘটায় জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধুকে স্বপরিবারে হত্যার মাধ্যমে।

পাকিস্তান পিপলস পার্টির জুলফিকার আলী ভূট্টোর খায়েশ মিটাতে রাও ফরমান আলী ইয়াহিয়া আর টিক্কার নির্দেশে ৭১ এ যেমন বাঙ্গালী নিধনের গোলাবারুদ আর কামান গর্জে উঠেছিল; ঠিক একই ধারায় স্বদেশী হায়েনা আর কিছু উচ্চাভিলাষী সেনা সদস্যের কামান বাঙ্গালী জাতিকে চিরতরে এতিম করে লাল সবুজের পতাকাকে করে যায় কলঙ্কিত- এই কালো রাত্রি ১৫ আগষ্ট, ১৯৭৫ এ।

শুধু রাষ্ট্রপতি বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবকে হত্যা করেনি; হত্যা করেছে রাষ্ট্রের গণতন্ত্র সমাজতন্ত্র জাতীয়তাবাদ ও ধর্মনিরপেক্ষতার মুল পবিত্র সাংবিধানিক কাঠামো আদর্শ ও নীতিকে।    

তাতেও যদি ক্ষান্ত হত, দুঃখ ছিলনা। দুঃখ এখানেই যে মুজিব হত্যার বিচার করা যাবে না। পাকিস্তান আই এস আই’র ইন্টেল্যাকচুয়াল/ পাকিস্তান সিকিউরিটি অফ ইনটেলিজেন্ট মেজর জিয়াকে বিলিয়ন বিলিয়ন ডলার উপঢৌকন দিয়ে “শেখ মুজিব হত্যার বিচারকে রোহিত করার জন্য কালো আইন “ইনডেমনিটি” পাশ করান হয়” যাতে “বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিব হত্যার বিচার কখনোই কার্যকর না করা যায়” । অর্থাৎ “বাংলার মাটিতে যেনো শেখ মুজিবের নাম পুনরায় উন্থাপিত না হয়” ।

একটি পরিবার, একটি মন্ত্রী পরিষদ, একটি রাজনৈতিক দলের নীতিনির্ধারক, মুক্তিযোদ্ধা, মুজিব বাহিনী, মহান স্বাধীনতার সফল সংগঠক, জাতীয় ৪ নেতা, আওয়ামী লীগের হাজার হাজার নেতা কর্মী, ভক্ত অনুসারী, স্থল, নৌ ও বিমান বাহিনীর জোয়ানদের হত্যাকারী পাপিষ্ঠের যথোপযুক্ত শাস্তির বিধানকে পকেটে রাখার মত দাম্ভিকতা দেখিয়ে, বিচার বিভাগীয় সকল স্বাধীনতা খর্ব করে স্বৈরাচারী খুনি ঘাতক সামান্য একজন মেজর হয়ে যায় “প্রধান সামরিক আইন প্রশাসক  লেফটয়ান্যান্ট জেনারেল জিয়াউর রহমান।

কিন্তু বিধাতা বলে, আল্লাহ্‌ বলে, ভগবান বলে অথবা ঈশ্বর বলে তো একজন আছেন। যিনি জগতের শ্রেষ্ঠ বিচারক। মুজিব হত্যার বিচার হয়েছে এই বাংলার মাটিতেই। জিয়ার মৃত্যুর পরে লাশ খুঁজে পাওয়া যায়নি। চট্টগ্রাম সার্কিট হাউস থেকে মিথ্যে বানোয়াট ভুয়া মৃতদেহের নামে একটি শূন্য কফিন হেলিকপ্টারে বহে এনে গোটা বাঙ্গালী জাতিকে চরমভাবে প্রতারণা করা হয়।জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধু হত্যার বিচার তাঁর যোগ্য উত্তরসূরি জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনার সরকার আন্তর্জাতিক বিচার ব্যবস্থা বিধি নিয়ম নীতি ও আইনের মাধ্যমেই প্রতিষ্ঠিত করেছেন। কিন্তু জিয়া হত্যার বিচার হল না কেন? তাঁর বিধবা স্ত্রী মাননীয় বি এন পি’র চেয়ারপারসন বেগম খালেদা জিয়ার মূখে জাতি কেন একবারও শূনতে পেলো না” জিয়া হত্যার বিচার চাই” ?? এ কথা আওয়ামী লীগ নেত্রী বিচক্ষক জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনাও অনেক জনসভায় প্রশ্ন তুলেছেন”  জিয়া হত্যার বিচার হল না কেন? জিয়াওতো বিতর্কিত হলেও একজন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও সেনাবাহিনীর প্রধান ছিলেন? ছিলেন অবৈধ হলেও দেশের রাষ্ট্রপতি??????  তাঁর হত্যার কেন বিচার হবে না? যারা আওয়ামী লীগ তথা স্বাধীনতার স্বপক্ষের বলে দাবী করেন, তারা সুদীর্ঘ ২১ টি বছর উন্মাদের মত রাজপথ কাপিয়ে দিয়ে গগনবিদারী চিৎকার করে বলেছে” মুজিব হত্যার বিচার চাই”। মহান আল্লাহ্‌ তা’ কবুল করেছেন। মুজিব হত্যার বিচার অসম্পূর্ণ হলেও ৬ জনের ফাঁসির রায় কার্যকর করা হয়েছে।কিন্তু আমার যে বন্ধুরা বি এন পি’র একান্ত নেতা কর্মী ভক্ত অনুসারী তাদের মুখেও কেন আমরা ঘুমের ঘোরে ভুল করেও শূনতে পেলাম না” আমরা জিয়া হত্যার বিচার চাই”?এই জিয়া হত্যার বিচার না চাওয়া বরং ধামাচাপা দেবার রহস্যজনক “লীলাখেলা”র ভেদ উন্মোচনে বিজ্ঞ ব্যর্থ রাজনীতিবিদ সাবেক রাষ্ট্রপতি প্রফেসর ডঃ বদরুদ্দোজা চৌধুরীর ভূমিকা কি? তিনি তো জাতিকে সত্য ঘটনা খুলে বলতে পারেন??????????????  

মোকতেল হোসেন মুক্তি সভাপতি, সময়৭১ সহ সভাপতি, কেন্দ্রীয় কমিটি, বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী তরুণ লীগ প্রতিষ্ঠাতা সভাপতি মালদ্বীপ আওয়ামী লীগ 

Political Profile of Sheikh Hasina

"We want to build a society free from terrorism, corruption and poverty. We want to fully equip the nation with the ability to enter the 21st century along with other developed countries of the world", Sheikh Hasina announced in her election manifesto on 10 May 1996. Then came the June 12 parliamentary elections. The Bangladesh Awami League, under the dynamic leadership of Sheikh Hasina, won a majority of seats in Parliament and formed the government on June 23.

June 23, 1996 is not merely the day on which Sheikh Hasina, daughter of the founding father of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh Muiibur Rahman, was sworn in as the 10th Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. On this day, the people of Bangladesh once again perceived the outcome of their right to freely elect their representatives. After 21 years of ruthless oppression, free-wheeling corruption and overt and covert martial law, democracy has finally been restored.

On the day of the cruel assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975, along with members of his family, Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh Rehana escaped the gruesome act as they were away from the country. After the tragedy Sheikh Hasina was forced to remain outside the country. but she continued to work for unifying the Bangalees at home and abroad for launching an all-pervasive democratic movement. On May 17, 1981 after nearly six years in exile, Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh as the President of Bangladesh Awami League. She was then only 33 years old. Ever since that day, she has constantly been fighting to establish the rights of the people of Bangladesh. She had to struggle for 15 long years to prepare and lead the Awami League for the task of carrying out a ceaseless political movement for the restoration of democracy in the country. Throughout this difficult struggle, the poor masses of Bangladesh stood firmly beside her.

The dream that had once seemed impossible became a reality on March 30. A popular upsurge forced the autocratic regime to surrender to the people's demand for holding national elections under a neutral caretaker government. The pioneer of the movement was Sheikh Hasina, a relentless fighter, carrying forward the legacy of her illustrious father Bangabandhu Sheikh Muiibur Rahman. Sheikh Hasina dedicated 15 years of her life fighting for restoration of the democratic rights of the people of Bangladesh. Her indomitable spirit, political farsightedness and complete devotion to the cause of the people finally helped efface the legacy of military coups, political murder and oppressive regimes.

Throughout her college and university years Sheikh Hasina actively participated in political movements. The death of her father on August 15, 1975 was the turning point in her career. The brutal assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and many of his family members placed the hope for the country's future in his two exiled daughters— Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana.

The impact of the coup on Bangladesh was quick and powerful. It placed the country completely at the mercy of some ambitious and greedy generals and changed the course of the history of Bangladesh. What happened was not just a change of government. The coup leaders attempted to transform a democratic nation into a military oligarchy. The pro-Pakistan forces, which had suffered an ignominious defeat in the War of Liberation in 1971, regained control of the government and introduced policies to undermine the democratic and secular ideals and values which the Bangalees had firmly cherished and upheld, and which had inspired the creation of Bangladesh. The first move was the imposition of Martial Law to deprive the people of their democratic rights. This was followed by concerted efforts at breaking the spirit of the to struggle. Murders, unlawful imprisonment and tortures sponsored by the then government followed.

Bangabandhu's entire life was dedicated to the emancipation of the people of Bangladesh. All the dreams he had cherished throughout the turmoil of his life blossomed around the somnolent. The volcanic potential of the life of the people of this land manifested in his struggle. He could not have enough time to take care of his family. Bangabandhu's wife Sheikh Fazilatunnesa took care of their children and family, and at times even of party matters in his absence. Her father's ideals, family traditions and a strong personality, coupled with her mother's guidance, helped Sheikh Hasina get transformed into the great leader that she is today.

She had been keen in politics since the beginning of her life. In her own words, "I have been associated with the political ups and downs of the country and with the Awami League since my childhood. I witnessed the unbearable oppression suffered by my father and his colleagues during the democratic movements. My father spent most of his life in prison. Whenever he was free, he used to remain busy with political activities and in organizing the party. I have seen my mother guide the party along with other leaders in the absence of my father, and carry out his plans while he was in prison. My first lesson in politics came out of my family atmosphere. The first time I directly got involved in politics was when the country was in political turmoil demanding autonomy and democracy. Later, I fully participated in the students' movement in 1962. Political unrest was widespread among students in 1962. Students, workers, farmers and ordinary people came out on the streets with their political and economic demands. I attended meetings and took part in processions against the undemocratic and anti-people Pakistani rulers. No conscious Bangalee could remain aloof from the political mainstream during those tumultuous days in the sixties. I too could not keep myself away from the path of revolution and resistance".

Soon after the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other members of his family, Sheikh Hasina began to communicate with party workers while living outside Bangladesh. Despite being forced to remain in exile, on August 15, 1980 she attended a huge political rally in London, on the occasion of the observance of the fifth anniversary of the death of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Soon after the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other members of his family, Sheikh Hasina began to communicate with party workers while living outside Bangladesh. Despite being forced to remain in exile, on August 15, 1980, she attended a huge political rally in London, on the occasion of the observance of the fifth anniversary of the death of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Sheikh Hasina's first speech in York Hall established her as a political leader. Then in 1981, still in exile, Sheikh Hasina was made the president, in absentia, of the largest political party of Bangladesh, the Bangladesh Awami League. Within a very short period of time she proved to be as charismatic a leader as her father had been. Keeping in mind her father's hopes and dreams for the country, she began to speak out against the oppressive military rulers in an attempt to establish the democratic rights of the people.

It was Sheikh Hasina's unbounded courage and inner strength of personality that sustained her during the traumatic period that followed her return to Bangladesh in 1981. It was not an easy task for a young woman who had been stranded for years with her husband and small children in a foreign country. A hostile government persecuted all those who were loyal to her father and the Awami League. Nevertheless, Sheikh Hasina's courage did not fail her, nor did she lose faith in the future of Bangladesh. Her profound commitment to Bangalee nationalism, secular values and democratic ideals fortified her morale, during those lonely years of her life. In the manner of her illustrious father Sheikh Hasina's deep love for the people of Bangladesh was combined with the conviction that the voice of the people would ultimately be heard. After the initial period of shock and mourning, she began to mobilise and organise Bangalees at home and abroad, especially inspiring those who had lost all hope in the future of Bangladesh. The people responded and welcomed the daughter of democracy with open arms and renewed hope.

In 1981, the Bangladesh Awami League, reeling under the assault of the military regime of General Ziaur Rahman, invited Sheikh Hasina to assume the leadership of the party that had led the country through its war of independence in 1971. She accepted the challenge and returned to a hearty welcome by millions of followers of Bangabandhu. Since that memorable day, as the President of the Awami League, she led the party through a period of reorganisation and rehabilitation. Sheikh Hasina suffered imprisonment several times, fought two national elections and led a massive popular movement through which she ousted an autocratic military dictator from power.

Under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, the Awami League spearheaded a struggle against the despotic rulers. She initiated and led an uncompromising movement against the military dictators in an attempt to bring democracy back to Bangladesh.

In 1982, she was the first to raise the voice of protest against assumption of state power through military coups d'etat. Taking great risk, she put tremendous pressure on Ershad's regime to end martial law and hold free and fair elections. Though political activities were banned at that time the Awami League was the only political party that had the courage to demand democratic rights for the people of Bangladesh. In 1983, Sheikh Hasina formed a 15 party alliance from which grew a powerful student movement protesting against the military government. On February 14, 1983 the army entered the Dhaka University campus and fired bullets and used batons to quell the agitating students. On February 15, as she protested the inhuman act through organising a peaceful rally at the Shahid Minar (the memorial for the martyrs of the Language Movement of 1952), Sheikh Hasina was arrested and taken blindfolded to Dhaka cantonment along with her associates. She was kept incommunicado for 15 days. In October 1983, Sheikh Hasina said, "The tactics previously applied to usurp the office of the President since the murder of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman have been adopted once again by General Ershad. The process is, first, staging a coup d'etat, then consolidating power and finally declaring the usurper as President. If the usurper goes to the electorate after he captures power, the result of the election is determined beforehand in his favour. As a result, political instability persists. That is why we demand that state power be handed over to the elected representatives of the people".

Thereafter, she had to suffer confinement time and again. In 1984 she was put under house arrest in February and then again in November. In March 1985, she was put under house arrest for three months at a stretch. On March 26, 1986 in a statement issued in Dhaka on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the independence of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina said that her party would participate in the general elections as part of its movement to put an end to the politics of "coups, killings, conspiracies and martial law". She also said, "We want to have elections not only to form the next government but also to establish a system that represents the people as well".

Sheikh Hasina became Leader of the Opposition in Parliament commanding the support of 104 elected MPs belonging to her party and alliance. As the youngest Leader of the Opposition she demonstrated her political acumen and sagacity in and outside Parliament. She forced the treasury bench to withdraw a number of bills which went against the fundamental rights of the people. Sheikh Hasina remained Leader of the Opposition until the dissolution of Parliament by General Ershad in December 1987.

In October 1986, Sheikh Hasina, in defiance of marital law, addressed a huge rally in Bogra. On her way from Bogra to Rajshahi, she was detained and forcibly sent back to Dhaka. On November 11, 1987 she was again put under house arrest for a month, despite her being the leader of the opposition in Parliament at the time. During a demonstration in front of the government secretariat on November I0, 1987 the police opened fire on Sheikh Hasina and tried to lift her car with a crane while she was leaving the National Press Club. In the face of strong resistance from the people, the police failed to arrest her and she was able to slip out of the car. On January 24, 1988, while addressing a public meeting in Chittagong, police fired on the crowd, killing nearly 80 people and narrowly missing Sheikh Hasina and her aides. Undeterred by these threats on her life, she went on touring the country from one end to the other to inspire and motivate the people to defend their democratic rights.

Sheikh Hasina took a resolute stand against military rule from the day she returned to Bangladesh. Since then, she never compromised on her commitment to the people. Her 15 year long struggle against military rule was crowned with success when the last military dictator had to surrender power in ignominy.

Today, Sheikh Hasina stands transformed from the political fugitive as she was in 1975, to be in the center of the political life of the nation, pioneering the struggle to re-establish the ideals for which millions of Bangalees fought and died. Sheikh Hasina steered the historic mass movement which toppled the autocratic regime of General Ershad and forced him to transfer power through constitutional means. At a huge public meeting in Dhaka on November 6, 1990 Sheikh Hasina announced the constitutional formula for the peaceful transfer of power in accordance with Articles 51 and 56 of the Constitution. This was eventually accepted by the entire nation. On November 27, 1990 Sheikh Hasina was again confined in Bangabandhu Bhaban following the proclamation of a state of emergency. But the government was forced to release her the same day, in the face of a mass protest against her arrest. On December 4, 1990 General Ershad was compelled to step down and accept the demand of the people following a 24 hour ultimatum Issued by Sheikh Hasina.

It was a matter of great disappointment, however, that her party did not get an absolute majority in Parliament in the 1991 national elections. the Awami League received 38% of the popular vote and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party received 31%.

Sheikh Hasina's accomplishments as Leader of the Opposition in Parliament drew the admiration of the entire nation. As in the past, she stood firmly on the side of the people on every issue in which the interests of the people were involved. She observed how the Presidential System had been abused by previous leaders. Sheikh Hasina steered all the political parties towards a parliamentary system which eventually had to be accepted by the BNP government. Indeed, it was due to her initiative and leadership that today the nation has been able to attain its goal of establishing a parliamentary form of government. 

Sheikh Hasina has always stood by the poor masses of Bangladesh. In 1992, she launched a nationwide campaign to help the farmers and workers who had been suffering from negligence and indifference under the BNP government. In 1995, peasants raised their protest against an artificial fertilizer crisis created by the BNP leaders and their henchmen, which resulted in the death of 18 peasants in police firing. Sheikh Hasina reacted sharply in support of the poor peasants and mobilised a strong peasant movement across the country to protect their interest. Soon after, the BNP government killed 17 workers who had been agitating against the closure of several hundred mills and factories. Sheikh Hasina rushed to the aid of the workers to share their concerns and helped them to unite in the defense of their rights.

In August 1995, a teen-aged girl Yasmin was raped and brutally killed by a gang of policemen in Dinajpur. Seeing no justice being done a group of people surrounded the police station and demanded justice. The police opened fire and killed seven of the protesters. Sheikh Hasina strongly protested against this cruelty and, using the example of the Dinajpur incident aroused public awareness about similar crimes committed by the BNP government. This led to an enormous public reaction against the BNP all over Bangladesh.

As Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, Sheikh Hasina always upheld the interest of the people and the cause of democracy. Witnessing what happened during the previous by-elections Sheikh Hasina began to demand the creation of a permanent system which would ensure free and fair elections in the country. She demanded the resignation of the BNP government and proposed the establishment of a non-party, neutral, caretaker government to conduct national election.

In 1994, Sheikh Hasina succeeded in organising a campaign that brought together other major opposition parties closer to hers in the movement for democracy. When all negotiations with the government failed, the opposition members in Parliament resigned on December 28, 1994. Sheikh Hasina launched a renewed movement demanding that general elections be held under a neutral caretaker government. The movement gained momentum when the BNP held polls on February 15, 1996 which was boycotted by all political parties. The boycott was universally supported and the turnout of voters was as low as 5%. On March 9, 1996 Sheikh Hasina declared a non-cooperation movement against the BNP government. People from all strata of society along with government officials and employees fully cooperated with the movement. As the non-cooperation movement approached a climax, at the directive of Sheikh Hasina, the 'Janatar Mancha' i.e. people's platform, was organised in Dhaka. Thousands of people from all walks of life expressed their solidarity with the movement. This turned out to be the final blow to the BNP government, and on March 30, 1996 the then Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was forced to resign and a non-party caretaker government was formed. Even the most virulent of her critics were compelled to congratulate Sheikh Hasina on her political sagacity in the creation of a neutral caretaker government and her successful exercise of leadership in mobilising popular support. The idea of a neutral caretaker government is seen by political observers as a significant contribution of Sheikh Hasina to the cause of democracy. Political thinkers feel that this system may be applied to other Third World countries in future.

Sheikh Hasina has made it clear at various points of time that she would continue her struggle for the economic emancipation of the poor masses. This has always been her fundamental political objective. She has often said, "The rich minority of the people must stop exploiting the poor majority". Sheikh Hasina has vowed to eliminate corruption. According to her, " Corruption at the top levels of government is the root of many evils in society". She believes that corruption can be checked at all levels only if corrupt government leaders are dealt with an iron hand.

Sheikh Hasina's courage and charisma have often invited attempts on her life. Unidentified gunmen opened fire on her residence several times. On September 11, 1991 during the parliamentary by-elections, a group of armed BNP hooligans shot at her. The bullet narrowly missed her. During her Train March in 1994, gunmen opened fire on her compartment at Ishurdi railway station. In the last anti-government movement, Sheikh Hasina's rallies were attacked by BNP activists, who opened fire and hurled bombs to disrupt those meetings. However, defying such attacks, she boldly addressed the rallies and declared that if the Awami League could form the government, it would eliminate terrorism from society. No threat could deter her from the struggle to achieve the right to vote and bring about economic emancipation of the people.

Despite the heavy responsibilities of being the leader of the largest political party in the country, Sheikh Hasina has also been working tirelessly to promote international peace, disarmament, racial harmony, goodwill and fraternity among nations. In 1984, she attended the Sixth Congress of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation (AAPSO) in Algiers as a special guest. At the invitation of PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat, Sheikh Hasina visited the PLO headquarters in Tunisia in 1985 and exchanged views with PLO leaders on international affairs and matters of mutual interest.

Sheikh Hasina was also a special quest at the First Eleanor Roosevelt International Caucus of Women Political Leaders, organised by the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs in San Francisco in 1987. In 1988, she delivered the keynote speech on Disarmament and Development at the Seventh Congress of Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation in New Delhi. In 1988, Sheikh Hasina attended the meeting of the Presidium Committee of the World Peace Council in Prague as a member of the Presidium of the World Peace Council. She was a special guest at an international seminar held in Dhaka by Bangladesh Peace Council in 1992. She also attended the Convention of the Democratic Party in New York in 1992.

Sheikh Hasina has also been very active in the promotion of bilateral relations in the South Asian region. She has visited India on a number of occasions for deliberation with its leaders on bilateral problems. As a special guest, she visited Katmandu in 1992 to attend an International Seminar on Lord Buddha organised by the Nepal-Bangladesh Friendship and Cultural Association. She attended a meeting of the Leaders of the Opposition of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) held in Karachi in 1992. On November 5, 1993 she visited China as Leader of the Opposition where she discussed bilateral and multilateral issues relating to agricultural and industrial development of Bangladesh with Chinese co-operation.

Sheikh Hasina has been an active participant in promoting the cause of Human Rights as well as the rights of women. In June 1993, she addressed the NGO conference held in Vienna prior to the Second World Congress on Human Rights. She visited Washington D.C. on February 2, 1994 in response to an invitation of the Chairman of the Congressional Executive Committee to the National Prayer Breakfast. In March, 1994 while visiting India, she met with the Prime Minister of India and discussed the issue of sharing of the Ganges waters and demanded a reasonable solution. She also demanded that the "Tin Bigha Corridor" should remain open for the citizens of Bangladesh round the clock. In May 1994, she attended the Socialist International Seminar in Tokyo, Japan. In 1994, she was elected Vice President of the Eastern Vision Forum at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

Sheikh Hasina has dedicated her life to the difficult and often dangerous task of crusading for democracy In her country, rather than opting for a safe and comfortable life abroad. In February 1996, an English news commentary broadcast on the BBC World Service programme described Sheikh Hasina as an 'Iron Lady' for her uncompromising stand on the issue of the democratic rights of the people.

In the midst of her pre-occupation with the day-to-day responsibilities as president of the Awami League and Leader of the Opposition, she never lost sight of her goals, nor did she falter in her firm commitment to the cause of freedom and human rights.

Now, at the apex of her political life, Sheikh Hasina is an outstanding Third World leader who has made great contributions in enlarging the scope of freedom for the people and enriching the human spirit. Today, Sheikh Hasina ranks first and foremost among the political leaders in Bangladesh. It is because of her leadership that she has successfully been able to lead her party through a relentless mass movement in ousting a military autocratic regime. Hers is the voice of the people, of reason and pragmatism. She is always graceful even after hectic organisational activities. She is a person with vision and balanced approach to life. An ardent protagonist of the parliamentary form of government, Sheikh Hasina believes in a mixed economy and healthy competition between the public and the private sectors. She is in full agreement with the essence of the foreign policy expounded by her father— "Friendship to all, malice to none".

"I have taken a vow to transform this country into a politically stable one. Deep in my heart, I believe that economic development that changes people's fate can come only through political stability." Sheikh Hasina has said, adding, "My political aim is to ensure the people's right to ballot and bread. I want to start from the grassroots, where the majority of the poorest of the poor live in inhuman conditions".

Sheikh Hasina's life has been dedicated to the people of Bangladesh. Her political ambitions begin and end with the welfare of the people of Bangladesh. Her goal is to fulfill her father's dream of building a golden Bangladesh, "Sonar Bangla". Her political aim is the establishment of a free, just and caring society. Sheikh Hasina has often said, "If I have to lay down my life like my father, I am ready for it".

It was Sheikh Hasina's unswerving commitment to democratic ideals and secular values which made her a symbol of the aspirations of the people. She launched her crusade for the restoration of democracy in the country right from the time she touched the soil of Bangladesh in 1981. Defying the then President General Ziaur Rahman's autocratic rule, she declared, "I have nothing to lose. I pledge to fight for the restoration of democracy in the country and the fundamental rights of my people". She has adhered to her promise.

Two decades of military and quasi-military rule destroyed the existing democratic institutions of the country. They also created a lumpen class at the helm of affairs of the state, who plundered the economy, destroyed values, crippled the education system and corrupted the society. Hardly any civil institution was left unscathed by all pervasive greed and hatred perpetuated by the Generals and their civil-military cronies.Sheikh Hasina knew well that it would be a daunting task on her part to revive the shattered democratic institutions, if her party was voted to power in the June 12, 1996 national elections. Keeping this in mind, she made it categorically clear in her election manifesto that if the Awami League won the elections she would form a government of national consensus with a view to clearing the refuse and waste that had piled up in society during two decades of misrule.After assuming power as Prime Minister on June 23, 1996 she re-assured the nation of her election commitments by inducting ministers from the Jatiya Party (JP) and the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) in her newly formed cabinet. Later, she inducted two ministers from the BNP in her cabinet. Regarding the economic policy of her government, she reiterated the prime need for alleviation of poverty through creation of maximum employment opportunity, both in rural and urban areas, especially in the predominantly agricultural sector. In her first address to the nation after becoming Prime Minister, she said that peasants, who are the mainstay of the economy, would be rendered all possible support in the form of supply of agro-inputs, fertilizer, seeds, pesticides and irrigation equipment at low price, if need be, through price subsidy. She also reconfirmed that her government of national consensus would stick to its announced policy of pursuing a free-market economy by allowing the forces of demand and supply to determine the economic equilibrium. She also made emphatic mention of her government's policy of carrying out necessary structural reforms in the economy to put it at par with the global economic system.

President Ziaur Rahman did not allow me to enter our Dhanmondi-32 Residence:

Tears rolled down her cheeks and emotion gripped the audience as Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina narrated the massacre at Dhanmondi-32 and unkind behaviour of a government after the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975.
"When I came back in 1981 from exile, the then government of president Ziaur Rahman did not allow me to enter our Dhanmondi-32 residence where my father along with most of my family members were brutally killed," she said.

Speaking at a prize giving ceremony at Osmani Memorial Auditorium yesterday morning, she said even General Zia did not allow her to organise a milad mahfil seeking eternal peace of the martyrs of August 15 inside the residence. 

"It was Zia who forced us to hold milad on the road for my parents and others who were killed in the August 15 massacre," said Hasina.

Sheikh Hasina, the eldest daughter of Bangabandhu, who along with her younger sister survived the massacre, described as crime against humanity, said president Zia imposed restriction on opening of the residence from where Bangabandhu led all anti-autocratic movements.
Later, the government led by Justice Abdus Satter opened the historic house and handed over it to Hasina. "When I entered the house, I saw dried blood everywhere and clothes and other valuables were seen scattered on the floor".

The killers not only killed the country's founding father along with most of his family members, they also looted all valuables from the house, Hasina said.

There was pin-drop silence in the Osmani Memorial auditorium when the premier was narrating the tale of the blackest chapter of the world's history. People specially the children who joined the function were seen to wipe their eyes when she was describing the barbaric incident.
Hasina said after receiving the house, she and her younger sister decided to make it a museum for the people of the country. "I thought that the people of the country are the owner of the house as Bangabandhu launched all of his pro-people movements from the house," she added.
The premier said she inaugurated the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum on August 14, 1994 and after that the museum remains opened for public.

Later, Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Memorial Trust was formed on April 11, 1994 with an aim to provide various services for the common people.

According to sources, 1,000-1,200 students are being provided stipend from the trust each month to meet their education expenses. The trust arranged free medical services across the country from Jan 10 to March 17 this year when over 8 lakh patients were given medical services.
The trust will set up a medical college and a nursing institute in Gazipur to provide medical services for the common people.

The Convenor of Bangabandhu Memorial Museum presided over the function while Curator of the museum Syed Siddiqur Rahman, DG of Bangla Academy Prof Shamsuzzaman Khan and Vice-Chancellor of National University Kazi Shahidullah, among others, addressed it.

https://skhasinawajed.blogspot.com

https://muktimusician.blog.co.in

 Liberation War of Bangladesh 

The nine-month long War of Liberation waged by the people of Bangladesh in 1971 will for ever remain recorded as one of the most glorious chapters in human history. The sovereign and independent People's Republic of Bangladesh, as it stands today, is the outcome of an arduous struggle of the people under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. 

The very nomenclature of the country, the declaration of independence, proclamation of the glorious War of Liberation, the national flag- the crimson sun on the canvas of green and the inspiring national anthem - all these we owe to his inspiring and unique vision and courage. He served to shape the history and aspirations of his people. He rejuvenated them with the indomitable and unbending spirit of Bengalee Nationalism, charged them with unprecedented courage, valour, resilience and granite-like unity and triggered off an armed struggle for freedom- the like of which the world rarely witnessed before.

An entire people of 70 million, inspired by their great leader Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, rose in arms against the military junta of Pakistan when years of political persuasion failed to secure for the Bengalees a place of honour and justice in that country.

Initially the peace-loving unarmed Bengalees did not know how to respond to the sudden and savage crackdown by the well-equipped Pakistani military on the night of 25 March, 1971, especially when their beloved leader had been arrested and taken to West Pakistan. The military had perhaps reckoned that suppressing any attempt at resistance by the leaderless Bengalees would be child's play. But the events proved otherwise.

The people quickly woke up to the warnings their leader had sounded time and again about the evil designs of the Pakistani military and the directives he had issued about building up resistance with whatever they had. They soon turned their anger into determination to beat back the occupying military at their own game. That meant no immediate direct confrontation at the strategic positions of the enemy troops, but employment of guerrilla tactics to drag them out of their fortresses and force them to spread out into the country-side which was the freedom fighters' home ground.

Hundreds of turbulent rivers and canals, vast swamps, unending crop fields, thick jungles, incessant rains, awe-inspiring floods and frequent storms, combined with the hostility of the local people proved to be too daunting for the Pakistani soldiers. By attacking isolated enemy positions the freedom fighters started gathering arms and ammunition, and soon found themselves trained and equipped to attack and disrupt bigger enemy camps and establishments.

The Genesis

The Liberation War did not start overnight. It had been brewing for 23 years. Ever since the birth of Pakistan in August 1947, the Bengalees first felt ignored in the scheme of the country's governance and gradually found themselves deprived and exploited by the power elite dominated by the West Pakistani bureaucrats, the military and the big businesses.

Although they constituted the majority of the country's population, the Bengalees of the eastern wing had a very poor representation in the civil services and the armed forces and had almost no place in commerce and industry. At the political level, their voice was stifled in the name of security of the realm and the bogey of mighty Hindu India's constant threat to the existence of Islamic Pakistan which had its two wings separated by nearly 1200 miles of Indian Territory.

The Muslims of the eastern wing were regarded as inferior Muslims and no effort was spared to cleanse them and make them as 'good as the Muslims of West Pakistan. A constant source of political irritation was the existence in East Pakistan of a large Hindu minority population, whose well-being was of no little concern to India. In fact, Pakistan fought three wars with India and had forever been seeking security alliances with other countries.

Political and economic deprivation led the Bengalees to demand greater provincial autonomy and control over such natural resources as jute and tea which, because of the Korean War boom in the fifties, became the prime earners of foreign exchange for the then Pakistan. This called for constitutional changes.

The demand was viewed by the Pakistani rulers as a strategic move by the Bengalees to make way for secession. The demand for making Bangla one of the State Languages of Pakistan was also viewed with suspicion and this led to repression and bloodshed. Several students killed in Dhaka in 1952 while agitating for winning a place of honour for their mother tongue were honoured by the people as martyrs. The demand for provincial autonomy now assumed a new meaning and urgency and the disillusioned Bengalees would no longer settle for anything more than a thin constitutional link with Pakistan.

Historic Six-Points

By 1958, Pakistan went under military dictatorship blocking normal avenues for a political resolution of the constitutional issue. In September 1965, Field Marshal Ayub Khan fought his country's second costly war with India, exposing the military vulnerability of the eastern wing, and also made a costly experiment with democracy in getting himself elected as President through a ridiculously limited franchise of 80,000 'basic democrats' It was against this background that Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman put forward in 1966 his historic six points which, in effect, structured the foundation for East Pakistan's future independence. The proposal suggested:

1.        Pakistan should be a federation of states with parliamentary system of government;

2.        Only defence and foreign affairs should remain with the federal government;

3.        There should either be separate currencies for the two wings or one currency for the whole country with its inter-wing flow to he regulated by the reserve banks of the two wings;

4.        Taxes to be levied only by the regional governments, but a specified portion will automatically go to the federal account;

5.        Separate accounts to be maintained for foreign currencies earned by each region; and

6.        A separate militia or a paramilitary force to be created for the eastern wing.

In January 1968, Sheikh Mujib and 34 Bengalee civil and military officials were arrested on charges of their involvement in the so-called Agartala conspiracy to declare independence of East Pakistan. Their trial proved that the charges were baseless and the case had to be withdrawn by February 1969 amidst angry protests by the Bengalees. Sheikh Mujib and the other co-accused were released on 22 February, 1969.

The design of President Ayub Khan and his military junta to make Sheikh Mujib unpopular was thoroughly defeated. In fact, he came out of the case as a persecuted hero and the leader of the Bengalees. Much to his chagrin, Ayub Khan was obliged to invite him to the round table conference of political leaders in Rawalpindi; but Sheikh Mujib withdrew from it as he found that his 6-points were not entertained by the West Pakistani leaders as the basis for constitutional talks.

Declaration of the War of Independence

On 25 March 1969, President Ayub was thrown out of power by his army chief General Yahya Khan. Once again Pakistan was put under Martial Law. But soon General Yahya had to take steps to hold General Elections and permit open political activities.

On 28 October 1970, Sheikh Mujib made a broadcast over radio and TV as part of his election campaign.Then in the elections held on 12 December, 1970, the Awami League came out as the largest party in Pakistan parliament winning 167 out of 313 seats. But the Awami League was not allowed to form the Government because of machinations of General Yahya in collusion with the West Pakistani Leader Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto whose Pakistan People's Party won 88 seats.

The inaugural session of the Parliament due to begin in Dhaka was abruptly postponed on the pretext of resolving differences between the political leaders of the two wings. The Bengalees saw this as one more conspiracy of the Pakistani military junta to deny them the power that they had won democratically through elections. In his historic speech at the March 7 public meeting at Suhrawardy Uddyan, Sheikh Mujib asked his people to continue the non-cooperation movement they had started at his behest and prepare for a decisive battle for independence. But to avoid a direct confrontation with Yahya Khan's blood-thirsty military, he kept the door open for political negotiations.

Despite stiff opposition from his followers, especially the vocal student community, Sheikh Mujib sat with General Yahya and his advisers to negotiate a constitutional settlement and when things appeared to be going well, the dialogue was snapped on March 25. A military crackdown was ordered and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib was arrested and taken away to West Pakistan. But just before he was arrested, he sent out a call for the Liberation War to begin. Known as the Declaration of the War of Independence, this hurriedly written Historic Document reads as follows:

Pak Army suddenly attacked EPR Base at Pilkhana, Rajarbagh Police line and killing citizens. Street battles are going on in every street of Dhaka, Chittagong. I appeal to the nations of the world for help. Our freedom fighters are gallantly fighting with the enemies to free the motherland. I appeal and order you all in the name of Almighty Allah to fight to the last drop of blood to liberate the country. Ask police, EPR, Bengal Regiment and Ansar to stand by you and to fight. No compromise, Victory is ours. Drive out the enemies from the holy soil of motherland. Convey this message to all Awami League leaders, workers and other-patriots and lovers of freedom. May Allah bless you. Joy Bangla.
-Sk Mujibur Rahman

History's worst Genocide

In utter frustration, the Pakistan military went for indiscriminate killing of innocent people, wide-scale destruction of villages, raping of women and looting and plunder. By playing up religious sentiments, they tried to instigate the simple-minded Bengalee Muslims to kill or drive out the Hindus who were painted as pro-Indian.

By playing on similar sentiments, they created some auxiliary forces such as the Al-Badr, Al-Shams and Razakars to collaborate with the military in identifying and eliminating all those who sympathized with the War of Liberation. The Freedom Fighters, who were operating behind the enemy lines, were to be hunted down and delivered to the military for torture and killing. So-called Peace Committees composed of collaborators were set up at different places to show that normalcy prevailed.

The repression grew in scale and intensity as the Pakistani military junta watched the freedom fighters grow in strength and achieve one success after another. To hoodwink the international community, it launched a worldwide campaign to paint that the Liberation War was a rebellion against the sovereignty of Pakistan and that their arch enemy India was behind all this.

The fact that about 10 million Bengalees had fled to India to escape the military repression was depicted as India's own game to draw international sympathy. However, the truth about the character of the liberation war and the atrocities committed by the military became known to the wider world through independent reports by the foreign journalists and despatches sent home by the diplomatic community in Dhaka.

About the crackdown of March 25, Simon Dring's report to the Daily Telegraph of London, smuggled out of Dhaka and published on March 30, was one of many such reports. It said: "An estimated three battalions of troops were used in the attack on Dhaka - one of armoured, one of artillery and one of infantry. They started leaving their barracks shortly before 10 p.m. By 11 p.m. firing had broken out and the people who started to erect makeshift barricades-overturned cars, tree stumps, furniture, concrete piping-became early casualties. Sheikh Mujibur was warned by telephone that something was happening, but he refused to leave his house." "If I go into hiding they will burn the whole of Dhaka to find me," he told an aide who escaped arrest.

The students were also warned, but those who were still around later said that most of them thought they would only be arrested. Led by M-24 World War II tanks, one column of troops sped to Dhaka University shortly after midnight. Troops took over the British Council Library and used it as fire-base from which to shell nearby dormitory areas.

Caught completely by surprise, some 200 students were killed in Iqbal Hall headquarters of the militantly anti-government students' union, I was told. Two days later, bodies were still smoldering in burnt-out rooms; others were scattered outside, more floated in a near-by lake, an art student lay sprawled across his easel. The military removed many of the bodies, but the 30 bodies still there could never have accounted for all the blood in the corridors of Iqbal Hall."

The road to freedom for the people of Bangladesh was arduous and tortuous, smeared with blood, toil and sacrifices. In the contemporary history, perhaps no nation paid so dearly as the Bengalees did for their emancipation. During the nine months of the War, the Pakistan military killed an estimated three million people and inflicted brutalities on millions more before their ignominious defeat and the surrender of nearly a hundred thousand troops on 16 December 1971.

Thousands of their well-armed troops were killed by the freedom fighters. The War of Liberation was literally fought in the name of Bangabandhu and under the leadership of the government which his party formed during those trying and eventful days.

That, briefly, was the genesis of the Liberation War. The Liberation War was not, however, fought on the battlefield alone. Thousands of unarmed people including women and children provided support to the freedom fighters-in running errands, hiding or transporting arms and ammunition, providing shelter and food, nursing the sick and the wounded and in myriad other ways.

In consonance with Bangabandhu's Declaration of Independence, a provisional revolutionary government was formed in exile on April 17,1971 in Mujibnagar with Bangabandhu as the President in absentia, In his absence, the Acting President Syed Nazrul Islam with Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister coordinated the war operations, arranged funds and carried on negotiations with foreign governments.

The radio station calling itself 'Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra' kept on transmitting patriotic programmes throughout the war to inspire the Freedom Fighters as well as the people behind the Pak army line, A recurrent theme of these programmes was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Declaration of Independence and his 7th March speech at Suhrawardy Uddyan.

Several hundred civil servants took grave risks, left their posts and joined the Government-in-exile. Scores of Bengalee diplomats defected from Pakistani Missions abroad and worked to mould international opinion in favour of Bangladesh.

Thousands of Bengalee expatriates joined hands with their foreign friends and sympathizers in raising funds and building public opinion for the cause of liberation. The contributions and efforts of all combined to take the war to its glorious end in such a short time. That is how Bangabandhu's dream of an independent state of Bangladesh finally materialized

Mukti Bahini (Bengali: মুক্তি বাহিনী "Liberation Army"), also termed as the "Freedom Fighters" or FFs, collectively refers to the armed organizations who fought against the Pakistan Army during theBangladesh Liberation War. It was dynamically formed by (mostly) Bengali regulars and civilians after the proclamation of Bangladesh's independence on March 26, 1971. Subsequently by mid-April 1971, the Bengali officers and soldiers of East Bengal Regiments formed the "Bangladesh Armed Forces" and M. A. G. Osmani assumed its command. The civilian groups continued to assist the armed forces during the war. After the war Mukti Bahini became the general term to refer to all forces (military and civilian) of former East Pakistani origin fighting against the Pakistani armed forces during the Bangladesh Liberation War. Often Mukti Bahini operated as an effectiveguerrilla force to keep their enemies on the run. Inspired in part by revolutionary Che Guevara,they have been compared to the French Maquis, Viet Cong, and the guerrillas of Josip Broz Tito in their tactics and effectiveness.

Although Mukti Bahini was formed to fight off the military crackdown by the Pakistan army on March 25, 1971 during the climax of the Bangladesh freedom movement, The crisis had already started taking shape with anti-Ayub uprising in 1969 and precipitated into a political crisis at the height of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Six-point movement beginning in the 1970s. In March 1971, rising political discontent andcultural nationalism in what was then East Pakistan (later, Bangladesh) was met by harsh^[3] suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment^[4] in what came to be termed Operation Searchlight.^[5] India started actively aiding and re-organising what was by this time already the nucleus of the Mukti Bahini.This led to a crackdown by West Pakistan forces^[6] became an important factor in precipitating the civil war as a sea of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10 million)^[7][8] came flooding to the eastern provinces of India.^[7]

The immediate precursor of the Mukti Bahini was Mukti Fauj ("Fauj" is the Urdu originally from Persian borrowed from Arabic for "Brigade" exported into several languages in South Asia including Bengali), which was preceded denominationally by the sangram parishads formed in the cities and villages by the student and youth leaderships in early March 1971. When and how the Mukti Fauj was created is not clear nor is the later adoption of the name Mukti Bahini. It is, however, certain that the names originated generically refer to the people who fought in the Bangladesh liberation war. Since the anti-Ayub uprising in 1969 and during the height of Mujib's six points movement, there was a growing movement among the Bengalis in East Pakistan to become independent driven by the nationalists, radicals and leftists. After the election of 1970, the subsequent crisis strengthened that feeling within the people. Sheikh Mujib himself was facing immense pressure from most prominent political quarters, especially the ultra-nationalist young student leaders, to declare independence without delay. Armed preparations were going on by some leftist and nationalist groups, and the Bengali army officers and soldiers were prepared to defect. At the call of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the people of East Pakistan joined in a peaceful movement for non-cooperation from 3 March 1971, and 7th march and onward, which lasted up to midnight of 25 March 1971. On this date the Pakistani Army cracked down upon unarmed civilians to take control of the administration. During the army crackdown on the night of March 25, 1971, there were reports of small scale resistance notably at Iqbal Hall, Dhaka University and at the Rajarbagh Police Headquarter. The latter initially put a strong fight against the Pakistan Army. As political events gathered momentum, the stage was set for a clash between the Pakistan Army and the Bengali people vowing for independence. Bengali members of the Army were also defecting and gathering in various pockets of the country.All these early fights were disorganized and futile because of the greater military strength of the Pakistani Army. Outside of Dhaka, resistance was more successful. The earliest move towards forming a liberation army officially came from the declaration of independence made by Major Ziaur Rahman of East Bengal Regiment on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In the declaration made from Kalurghat Betar Kendra (Chittagong) on March 27, 1971, Zia assumed the title of "provisional commander in chief of the Bangladesh Liberation Army", though his area of operation remained confined to Chittagong and Noakhali areas. Major Ziaur Rahman's declaration on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman marked a break with Pakistan by the Bengali units of the army.

See also: Mujibnagar Government

Though prolonged Bengali resistance was not anticipated by Pakistani planners of Operation Searchlight,^[9] when the Pakistani Army cracked down upon the population, the Mukti Bahini were becoming increasingly visible. Headed by Colonel (later, General) M. A. G. Osmani, a retired Pakistani Army officer, this band was raised as Mujib's action arm and security force before assuming the character of a conventional guerrilla force. After the declaration of independence, the Pakistani military sought to quell them, but increasing numbers of Bengali soldiers defected to the underground "Bangladesh army". These Bengali units slowly merged into the Mukti Bahini and bolstered their weaponry.

On April 12, 1971 Colonel (later General) M. A. G. Osmani assumed the command of armed forces at Teliapara (Sylhet) headquarters. Osmani was made the commander-in-chief of Bangladesh Armed Forces on April 17, 1971. Serious initiative for organising the Bangladesh liberation army was taken between 11–17 July. In a meeting of the sector commanders in Kolkata, four important resolutions were taken in consideration of strategic aspects of the war, existing problems and future course of resistance. These were:§  Composition and tactics of the combatants would be as follows:§  Guerrilla teams comprising 5 to 10 trained members would be sent to specific areas of Bangladesh with specific assignments

§  Combat soldiers would carry out frontal attacks against the enemy. Between 50 and 100 per cent would carry arms. Intelligence volunteers would be engaged to collect information about the enemy. 30 percent of these people would be equipped with weapons;

§  The regular forces would be organised into battalions and sectors.

§  The following strategies would be adopted while carrying out military operations against the enemy

§  A large number of guerrillas would be sent out inside Bangladesh to carry out raids and ambushes;

§  Industries would be brought to a standstill and electricity supply would be disrupted;

§  Pakistanis would be obstructed in exporting manufactured goods and raw materials;

§  Communication network would be destroyed in order to obstruct enemy movements;

§  Enemy forces would be forced to disperse and scatter for strategic gains;

§  The whole area of Bangladesh would be divided into 11 sectors.

Other than the organizations of Mukti Bahini who were generally trained and armed by the Indian Army, there were independent guerrilla groups led by individual leaders, either nationalists or leftists, who were successfully controlling some areas.

Regular and irregular forces:

The regular forces later called Niomita Bahini (regular force) consisted of the members of the East Bengal Regiments (EBR), East Pakistan Rifles (EPR, later BDR), police, other paramilitary forces and the general people who were commanded by the army commanders in the 11 sectors all over Bangladesh. Three major forces: Z-Force under the command of Major (later, Major General) Ziaur Rahman, K-Force under Major (later Brigadier ) Khaled Mosharraf and S-Force under Major (later Major General) K M Shafiullah were raised afterwards to fight battles in efficient manners. The irregularforces, generally called Gono Bahini (people's army), were those who were trained more in guerrilla warfare than the conventional one.

The irregular forces, which after initial training joined different sectors, consisted of the students, peasants, workers and political activists. Irregular forces were initiated inside Bangladesh province to adopt guerrilla warfare against the enemy. The regular forces were engaged in fighting the usual way.

The Mukti Bahini obtained strength from the two main streams of fighting elements: members of armed forces of erstwhile East Pakistan and members of the urban and rural youths many of whome were volunteers. Other groups included members of sangram parishads, youth and student wings of Awami League, NAP, Leftist-Communist Parties and radical groups. The Mukti Bahini had several factions. The foremost one was organized by the members of the regular armed force, who were generally known as Freedom Fighters (FF). Then there was Bangladesh Liberation Forces (BLF) led by four youth leaders of the political wing of Sheikh Mujib's Awami League and the third one generally known as Special Guerrilla Forces (SGF) led by the Communist Party of Bangladesh, National Awami Party, and Bangladesh Students Union. They then jointly launched guerrilla operations against the Pakistani Army causing heavy damages and casualties. This setback prompted the Pakistani Army to induct Razakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams (mostly members ofJamaat-e-Islami and other Islamist groups), as well as other Bengalis who opposed independence, and Biharis who had settled during the time of partition. This helped Pakistan stem the tide somewhat as the monsoon approached in the months of June and July.

Bangladesh Navy

Bangladesh Navy was constituted in August 1971. Initially, there were two ships and 45 navy personnel. These ships carried out many successful raids on the Pakistani fleet. But both of these ships were mistakenly hit and destroyed by Indian fighter planes on 10 December 1971, when they were about to launch a major attack on Mongla seaport.

Bangladesh Air Force

Bangladesh Air Force started functioning on 28 September at Dimapur in Nagaland, under the command of Air Commodore AK Khondakar. Initially, it consisted of 17 officers, 50 technicians, 2 planes and 1 helicopter. The Air Force carried out more than twelve sorties against Pakistani targets and was quite successful during the initial stages of the Indian attack in early December.

Independent forces

In addition, there were also some independent forces that fought in various regions of Bangladesh and liberated many areas. These includedMujib Bahini which was organized in India. Major General Oban of the Indian Army and Student League leaders Serajul Alam Khan, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani, Kazi Arif Ahmed, Abdur Razzak, Tofael Ahmed, A. S. M. Abdur Rab, Shahjahan Siraj, Nur E Alam Siddiqi, and Abdul Quddus Makhon were organisers of this Bahini. There was the Kaderia Bahini under Kader Siddique of Tangail, Afsar Bahini and Aftab Bahiniof Mymensingh,Tiger Bahini under Abu Siddique Ahmed of Netrakona Latif Mirza Bahini of Sirajganj, Akbar Hossain Bahini of Jhinaidah,Quddus Molla and Gafur Bahini of Barisal, Hemayet Bahini under Hemayet Uddin of Faridpur..There were also several communist/leftist groups who clashed with the Pakistan Army, and controlled some areas independently.

Leftist factions

In addition,there were some other groups of freedom fighters which were controlled by the Leftist parties and groups including the NAP and Communist Parties. Among others, Siraj Sikder raised a strong guerrilla force which fought several battles with the Pakistani soldiers in Payarabagan, Barisal. Although there were ideological conflicts among the communist parties (most notably, split into pro-soviet and pro-Chinese factions and widespread split within the pro-Chinese faction) on deciding a common action in the context of Bangladesh Liberation, many of the individuals and leaders.

the freedom fighters and sheikh hasina/A lot has been said & yet a lot remains to be done. On every 16th of December we pay homage to the men who made our existence as 'Citizens of Bangladesh' possible. "Shadhinota" is not just a word but a way of life. It is our freedom to breathe in the air of our land. It is the freedom to feel the soil of our country. "Shadhinota" was not given to us as our birth right. Rather it was earned, earned in exchange of blood. Blood of our Freedom Fighters. 

"Ek Shagor Rokter Binimoye, Banglar Shadhinota Anlo Jara, Amra Tumader Vulbo Na, Amra Tumader Vulbo Na...."

 A freedom fighter is honored in all lands and in all times, because he fights for a noble cause which is the freedom of the motherland. Freedom is the birthright of man, but sometimes this right is denied to a nation by foreign rulers. As a result, armed conflict takes places between and if freedom-loving people and the occupation forces. Sometimes the war continues for years and if the people are united and determined then the freedom fighters win and the country achieves independence. The people of Bangladesh fought a glorious war of independence against the Pakistani occupation forces in 1971. 

In this Great War the Bangali members of the armed forces the students and the people from all walks of life took part. They fought for long nine months and defeated the well-trained Pakistani forces. Bangladesh became a free country. The people who fought against the Pakistani army and the people who took part in the war effort are called the freedom fighters. Many of the freedom fighters sacrificed their lives for the cause of the motherland. We owe our freedom of these noble freedom sacrificed their lives for the cause of the motherland. We owe our freedom of these noble freedom fighters. The freedom fighters will remain immortal in the history of Bangladesh.

The Bangladesh government has announced higher allowance for 125,000 people who participated in the country’s freedom movement against Pakistan in 1971.

 The amount is being raised from Taka 1,500 ($21.50) to Taka 2,000 from July 1, beginning of the next fiscal, State Minister for Liberation War Affairs Captain (retd) A.B. Tajul Islam told parliament Thursday.

The state minister said the number of freedom fighters across the country is 125,000, including 5,338 who were injured, The Daily Star reported.

Families of martyred freedom fighters are 2,500 and women freedom fighters number 162.

The government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina during her previous term 1996-2001 had undertaken rehabilitation activities by providing allowances to 40,000 freedom fighters.

A freedom fighter is honored in all lands and in all times, because he fights for a noble cause which is the freedom of the motherland. Freedom is the birthright of man, but sometimes this right is denied to a nation by foreign rulers. As a result, armed conflict takes places between and if freedom-loving people and the occupation forces. Sometimes the war continues for years and if the people are united and determined then the freedom fighters win and the country achieves independence. The people of Bangladesh fought a glorious war of independence against the

 Bangladesh is a small country of South Asia. Its area is 1, 47,570.55 square Kilometres. Most of the people in Bangladesh live by cultivation. It has a huge population of 14 crore. The rate of literacy is 40%.90% percent of the total population is Muslim. Hinduism is the second largest religion. There are also the Christians and the Buddhists in Bangladesh. The density of population is the highest in the world here.

 Capital City

Dhaka is the capital of the country. About 10 million people live in the capital. The other major cities of the country are Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, Sylhet and Barisal. The main port of the country is at Chittagong. Khulna is also another port city. Though there are quite a few industries in the country, the country is not that much rich industrially the garment industry is the biggest industry which which brings 55% of the total export earning.We have a parliamentary system of Government Prime minister is the head of the Government who is elected after every five years. Rice is the main staple of the people. We have a poor economy. The per capital income in Bangadesh is about $288. The currency of the country is taka. Rate of female literacy is low. Women are dominated by the male. 

Bangladesh is a land of Magnificent beauty, the heritage of a natural splendor and a historical legacy that dates back to the 7th century. Unspoiled and often unexplored, the country offers the most exciting experiences to visitors, ranging from closeness with nature at its pristine best to a culture trip into civilizations old and new. Its lavish natural beauty and green opulence is its major pride. The splendors of the seas, beaches, rivers, hills, forests and wildlife entice even the most traveled of tourists. In addition, a resplendent charm is offered by the varied historical, archaeological and cultural sites that stand as sentinels of a majestic past. Moreover, the uniqueness of pre-sent-day Bangladesh with its friendly hospitable people, its tantalizing cuisine, its quaint local customs, its wide array of delicately hand-crafted ware, its artistic and cultural happenings are an added bonus, and the most note-worthy feature that underpins this extensive range of alluring attractions is the incredibly low cost of being a tourist here.

 Women in development

 He says tat what is good, great and prosperous in the world is done half by men and half by women. In fact, the contribution of women in every sphere cannot be denied. Once upon a time, women were looked down upon. It was thought that women are born to look after children, for cooking food and for doing household work. Women were not allowed to go to schools of colleges. But with the progression of Science people’s views are also changed. They are now able to realize that women can also take part in development; they have proved their ability. 

 Sometimes they do better than men. Moreover, it is seen that they are more sincere than men. They have the ability to be a chief of the country. In our country both the Prime Minister and the leader of the opposition party are women and thousands of women are engaged in many important official job. They are working in all sectors of life with efficiency. Women should be encouraged so that they can take part in total development of the family as well as the country.  

It is true, over the last few years. They have become increasingly visible as providers of productive labor, but they are deprived of equal labor benefits, women, generally work longer hours than men, but they are paid less than men. Undoubtedly it is a heinous conspiracy to undervalue women's work and contribution to our society.

 Here the family domestic workers are treated brutally too. This under valuation not only reduces women's purchasing power but it also deprives them of legal rights. Thousands of girls here fall victim to dowry system. Their sufferings know no bounds. Besides incidents of bride burning, suicide take place quite often. It is high time we recognized women as equal partners of men. They should be made self-sufficient by giving them proper education and employment. In the modern world the women are self-sufficient by giving them proper education and employment. 

 In the modern world, the women have proved that they can advance with the males shoulder to shoulder. Their role does not caome to an end as a mother or a wife. They have many things to do. A number of avenues are open before them. So, women are one of the powerful assets of Bangladesh.

Music of Bangladesh 

Our traditional songs are losing their popularity and western music is having an inevitable influence on our music and culture.Bangladeshi modern songs are sung in western melody. Even use of the western instrument is inevitable in Bangladesh music. Dhol, Tabla, Sharad, Shetara, Dotara are being replaces bu guitar, drum, keyboard, harmonium and piano etc. Popularity of our traditional songs like jatra, jarigan, sharigan, kabigan, palligiti, Nazrul shangeet Rabindranath shangeet is decreasing. Hindi music and English music are getting popular day by day. Band music and pop music are getting popular fast among the young generation.

This is a positive at the same time negative sign because of Hindi music and western music we forget and neglect our rich musical tradition.

War Criminals of Bangladesh Liberation War 1971 (Razakars, Al Badre, Al Shams) Azam, Nizami, Mujahid, Saidhee, Kader, kamruzzaman, saka choudhury should bring under trial. Please recognize RAZAKAR in your local area &

"INFORM TO THE AUTHORITY”

Razakar (Bengali: রাজাকার) was the name given to a paramilitary force organized by the Pakistan Army during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971.The word razakar, originating from Persian, literally means "volunteer". The Razakar force was composed of mostly pro-Pakistani Bengalis and Urdu-speaking migrants living in erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Initially, the force was under the command of local pro-Pakistani committees, but through the East Pakistan Razakar Ordinance (promulgated by General Tikka Khan on 1 June 1971) and a Ministry of Defence ordinance (promulgated 7 September 1971), Razakars were recognized as members of the Pakistan Army. Razakars were allegedly associated with many of the atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army during the 9-month war (see 1971 Bangladesh atrocities).

These Pakistani offsprings were organized into Brigades of around 3-4000 volunteers, mainly armed with Light Infantry weapons provided by the Pakistani Army. Each Razakar Brigade was attached as an auxiliary to two Pakistani Regular Army Brigades, and their main function was to arrest and detain nationalist Bengali suspects. Usually such suspects were often tortured to death in custody. The Razakars were trained in the conventional army fashion by the Pakistan Army.

Following the liberation of East Pakistan as the independent country of Bangladesh, most of the leading Razakars, allegedly including Ghulam Azam, fled to Pakistan (previously West Pakistan). Ghulam Azam maintains that he went to Pakistan to participate in the Annual General Meeting of his organization, the Jamaat-e-Islami, but he was forced to remain overseas until General Ziaur Rahman allowed him to return to Bangladesh. Many of the lower ranking Razakars who remained in Bangladesh were killed in the course of reprisals immediately after the end of fighting while as many as 36,000 were imprisoned. Of the latter many were later freed mainly because of pressure from US and China who backed Pakistan in the war, and because Pakistan was holding 200,000 Bengali speaking military and civilian personnel who were stranded in West Pakistan during the war.

After the restoration of democracy in 1992, an unofficial and self-proclaimed “People's Court” (Bengali: গণআদালত Gônoadalot) “sentenced” Ghulam Azam and his ten accomplices to death for war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, as the Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami party was already a part of the ruling alliance in Bangladesh, the “verdict” was ignored. Moreover, the then Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government re-granted Bangladeshi nationality to Ghulam Azam, as it had been taken from him after the war. Subdued during the rule of Awami League from 1996-2001, Jamaat-e-Islami returned in full force after the next election in October 2001 in which a four party alliance led by BNP won a landslide victory. The new leader of Jamaat after Ghulam Azam’s retirement, Motiur Rahman Nizami, a Razakar and among the ten people tried by the Gônoadalot, became an influential minister in the government.

The word রাজাকার razakar today carries the meaning "traitor" in common Bangladeshi Bengali parlance, similar to the usage of the word Quisling after the Second World War. 

Trishal Thana

296. Rajakar Md. Fazlul Haque Khan, Trishal

297. Rajakar Late Wazed Ali, Village-Trishal Charpara, Trishal

298. Rajakar Late Bhola Miah, Village-Kumaria, Trishal

299. Rajakar Late Abdul Motaleb, Trishal

300. Rajakar Hurmat Ali, Village-Chikna, Trishal

301. Rajakar Chan Miah, Village-Trishal Bazar, Trishal

302. Rajakar Osman Ali, Village-Trishal Bazar, Trishal

303. Rajakar Md. Adil Sarkar Chairman, Trishal

304. Rajakar Mohammad Anisur Rahman Manik, Village-Mandatia, Trishal

305. Rajakar Abdur Razzak, Village-Konabari, Trishal

306. Rajakar Altaf Ali, Village-Namapara, Trishal

307. Rajakar Haji Abdul Hai, Village-Trishal Ujanpara, Trishal

308. Rajakar Abdul Motaleb, Father-Late Hatem Ali Monsi, Village-Trishal Namapara, Trishal

309. Rajakar Abdul Wahab, Father-Late Abdus Samad Sarkar, Trishal

310. Rajakar Hasmot Ali, Father-Late Fajor Ali, Village-Charpara, Trishal

311. Rajakar Yeakub Ali, Father-Late Rajab Ali, Village-Charpara, Trishal

312. Rajakar Abdur Rashid, Father-Late Rustum Ali, Village-Charpara, Trishal

313. Rajakar Late Nawab Ali Sarkar, Village-Durgapur, Trishal

314. Rajakar Md. Ansar Ali, Village-Porabari, Trishal

Islampur Thana

315. *Mr. Nuruzzaman, Father-Mahmud Ali, Village-Gopalnagar, Thana-Islampur, Mymensingh.

Sreebordi Thana

316. *Mr. Mofizuddin Islam, Father-Munshi Mofizuddin, Village-Katih, Thana-Sreebordi, Mymensingh

Kalmakanda Thana

317. *Mr. Ali Osman, Father-Abbas Ali Fakir, Village-Khakin Ranigaon, Thana-Kalmakanda, Mymensingh

318. Rajakar Shajahan Chowdhury, Village-Rangsa, Sherpur Sadar

319. Rajakar Late Mojammel chowdhury, Village-Rangsa, Sherpur Sadar

320. Rajakar Late Prof. Abdus Sattar, Sherpur Government College

321. Rajakar Motiur Rahman, (Moti Chairman) Village-Nayaani Bazar, Sherpur Sadar

322. Rajakar Late Samedul Haque, Village-Narayanpur, Sherpur Sadar

323. Rajakar Late Joynal Abedin Moktar, Village-Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar

324. Rajakar Kamal typist, Father-Joynal Abedin, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar

325. Rajakar Adv. Shamsul Huda, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar

326. Rajakar Ali Azom Master, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar

327. Rajakar Adv. Amirnul Islam, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar

328. Rajakar Sayed Ahmed Chairman, Village-Chapatoli, Sherpur

329. Rajakar Late Nasiruddin Military, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar

330. Rajakar Late Sulfet Mojibur, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar

331. Rajakar Jiarot Ali Khan, Village-Surjadi, Sherpur

332. Rajakar Makbul Hossain, Nabinagar, Sherpur

333. Rajakar late Abdul Hamid Chairman, Village-Bajitkhila, Sherpur

334. Rajakar late Shakwat Hossain, Father-Afsar Uddin, Village-Raghunathpur, Sherpur

335. Rajakar Md. Abul Hossain Sarker, Village-Namahawra, Sherpur

336. Rajakar Jomsed Ali Member, Village-Hawra Bhotpara, Sherpur

337. Rajakar Eshaque Ali, Village-Shapari, Sherpur

338. Rajakar late Jonab Ali, Village-Tarakandi, Sherpur

339. Rajakar late Sokur Masud, Village-Tarakandi, Sherpur

340. Rajakar Mohejuddin Member, Village-Tarakandi, Sherpur

341. Rajakar Mobarak Hossain, Village-Gazirkhamar, Sherpur

342. Rajakar Mohejuddin Master, Village-Gazirveeta, Sherpur

343. Rajakar Md. Yead Ali Khan, Village-Surjadi, Sherpur

344. Rajakar Md. Abul Kashem, Village-Alinapara, Sherpur

345. Rajakar Md. Sohabaz Ali, Village-Alinapara, Sherpur

346. Rajakar Md. Joynal Miah, Village-Charsapmaree, Sherpur

347. Rajakar Md. Ishaque, Village-Charsapmaree, Sherpur

348. Rajakar Md. Sakwat Hossain, Village-Raghunathpur, Sherpur

349. Late. Samedul Haque, Sherpur, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

350. Rajakar Md. Abdur Rahman Haji, Father-Hasen Ali, Village-Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

351. Rajakar Akramuzzaman, Father-Hasen Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

352. Rajakar Abdul Malek, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

353. Rajakar Abdul Hannan, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

354. Rajakar Abdul Hai, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

355. Rajakar Abdul Barik, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

356. Rajakar Awal, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

357. Rajakar Habib Ullah, Father-Haji Shamsuddin (Sufi), Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

358. Rajakar Motaleb, Father-Haji Shamsuddin (Sufi), Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

359. Rajakar Abdullah, Father-Haji Shamsuddin (Sufi), Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

360. Rajakar Asadullah, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

361. Rajakar Abdur Razzak, Father-Meher Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

362. Rajakar Abdur Rezzak, Father-Abdul Kadir, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

363. Rajakar Siraj, Father- Khalilur Rahman, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

364. Rajakar Idris Ali, Father-Sayed Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

365. Rajakar Reazuddin, Father-Khalilur Rahman, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

366. Rajakar Mannan, Father-Najor Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

367. Rajakar Rashid, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari

368. Rajakar Noor Mohammad, Father-Abdul Hakim Doctor, Village-Sitpara, Nalitabari

369. Rajakar Husen Ali, Father-Ayenuddin Monsi, Village-Sitpara, Nalitabari

370. Rajakar Rahim, Father-Hamir Uddin, Village-Sitpara, Nalitabari

371. Rajakar Rajab Ali, Village-Sitpara, Nalitabari

372. Rajakar Salam, Father-Shorafat, Village-Mogania, Nalitabari

373. Rajakar Kadir, Father-Sayed Ali, Village-Mogania, Nalitabari

374. Rajakar Rashid, Village-Mogania, Nalitabari

375. Rajakar Isob Ali Monsi, Father- Joidhar Ali, Village-Mogania, Nalitabari

376. Rajakar Abul Bashar, Father- Abdul Aziz, Village-Kapashia, Nalitabari

377. Rajakar Malek, Father-Dibu Sheikh, Village-Bathurarkanda, Nalitabari

378. Rajakar Abdur Rahman, Village-Konnagar, Nalitabari

379. Rajakar Amir Ali, Father-Ahmmad Ali, Village-Ranigoan, Nalitabari

380. Rajakar Abu Bakar, Father-Ayenuddin, Village-Ranigoan, Nalitabari

381. Rajakar Jamal Uddin, Village-Kalinogar, Nalitabari

382. Rajakar Sobhan (Dudu), Father-Mohar Hazi, Village-Kalinogar, Nalitabari

383. Rajakar Hussen Ali, Father-Safur Uddin, Village-Kalinogar, Nalitabari

384. Rajakar Akitullah, Father-Hasen Ali, Village-Kalinogar, Nalitabari

385. Rajakar Hasen Ali (Kocha), Father-Saheb Ali, Village-Gorkanda, Nalitabari

386. Rajakar Hormuz Ali, Father-Nosar Dewani, Village-Baghber, Nalitabari

387. Rajakar Mohammad Ullah, Father-Ator Ali Monsi, Village-Shimultola, Nalitabari

388. Rajakar Nobi Hussaen, Father-Jamal Uddin, Village-Shimultola, Nalitabari

389. Rajakar Noora, Village-Chakpara, Nalitabari

390. Rajakar Rafizuddin Dewan, Father-Lalu Mridha, Nalitabari

391. Rajakar Ajgor Ali Khan, Father-Jonab Ali Khan, Nalitabari

392. Rajakar Shamsul Hauqe, Father-Omed Ali, Village- Gerapocha, Nalitabari

393. Rajakar Hasen Ali, Father-Badon Sheikh, Village-Shohagpur, Nalitabari

394. Rajakar Tofazzal, Father-Korban Ali, Village-Chakpara, Nalitabari

395. Rajakar Golam Mostafa, Father-Raisuddin Talukdar, Village-Shohagpur, Nalitabari

396. Rajakar Abdul Khaleque Master, Village-Ghakpara, Nalitabari

397. Rajakar Makbul Hossain, Father-Samad Ali, Village-Benupara, Nalitabari

398. Rajakar Rakib, Village-Bonkura, Nalitabari

399. Rajakar Kudrat Ali, Village-Bonkura, Nalitabari

400. Rajakar Osman Goni, Father-Toni Sheikh, Village-Nonni Uttar, Nalitabari

401. Rajakar Bishu Miah, Village-Barmari, Nalitabari

402. Rajakar Alep Uddin, Father-Rois Uddin, Village-Rajnagar, Nalitabari

403. Rajakar Makbul Hossain, Father-Kashem Ali, Village-Hatipagar, Nalitabari

404. Rajakar Kalu, Father-Safur Sarker, Village-Bogaichapur, Nalitabari

405. Rajakar Islam, Father-Safur Saker, Village-Bogaichapur, Nalitabari

406. Rajakar Safor Uddin, Father-Osan Sheikh, Village-Kendua, Nalitabari

407. Rajakar Tofazzal, Father-Sharafot Ali, Village-Nayabil, Nalitabari

408. Rajakar Kaiyum, Father-Motaleb Member, Village-Chandgaon, Nalitabari

409. Rajakar Mohir Uddin, Father-Kasum Sheikh, Village-Kenduapara, Nalitabari

410. Rajakar Ali, Father-Lilu, Village-Bogaichapara, Nalitabari

411. Rajakar Inatullah, Village-Bogaichapara, Nalitabari

412. Rajakar Siraj, Father-Amaullah Haji, Village-Taraganjbazar, Nalitabari

413. Rajakar Shohrab, Village-Barmari, Nalitabari

414. Rajakar Abdul Haque, Village-Nonniuttar, Nalitabari

415. Rajakar Ziar Uddin, Village-Bondadhara, Nalitabari

416. Rajakar Ahmmad Ali, Father-Shahar Ali, Village-Guzakura, Nalitabari

417. Rajakar Shohrab Ali, Father-Ahmmad Ali, Village-Bashkanda, Nalitabari

418. Rajakar Garo, Father-Basu, Village-Bashkanda, Nalitabari

419. Rajakar Moyoz Uddin, Father-Miraj Ali, Village-Morichpuran, Nalitabari

420. Rajakar Abdul Aziz, Father-Ayen Uddin, Village-Bhogairpar, Nalitabari

421. Rajakar Hazrat Ali, Father-Chabi Sheikh, Village-Bhogairpar, Nalitabari

422. Rajakar Suruz Ali, Father-Hazrat Ali, Village-Bhogairpar, Nalitabari

423. Rajakar Abdur Rahman, Nalitabari

424. Rajakar late Ajgor Ali, Nalitabari

425. Rajakar Abul Kashem Sharif, Village-Morichpuran, Nalitabari

426. Rajakar late Ahsan Ali, Nalitabari

427. Rajakar Delowar Hossain (Dilu), Village-Shohagpur, Nalitabari

428. Rajakar Nonda, Village-Bonpara, Jamalpur Sadar

429. Rajakar Yousuf Mastar, Head Master of Singherzani High School

430. Rajakar Prof. Abdul Gani, Village-Ikbalpur, Jamalpur

431. Rajakar Prof. Abdur Rob, Teacher of Ashek Mahmud College, Jamalpur

432. Rajakar Late Prof. Abdul Aziz, Teacher of Ashek Mahmud College, Jamalpur

433. Rajakar Late Amezuddin Chairman, Village-Fulbaria Station Road, Jamalpur

434. Rajakar Chan Miah, Village-Kacharipara, Jamalpur

435. Rajakar Soleman, Village-Kacharipara, Jamalpur

436. Rajakar late Hanu Moulobi, Village-Palisha, Jamalpur

437. Rajakar Nurul Haque Master, Father-late Moyen Uddin Mondal, Village-Jongalpara, Jamalpur

438. Rajakar Kazi Abdur Rahim, Village-Beltia, Jamalpur

439. *Mr. M A Gani, Father-Late Hazi Sekandar Ali, Village-Iqbalpur, Thana-Jamalpur Sadar, Jamalpur

Netrokona District

Netrokona Sadar Thana

440. Rajakar Moulana Manjorul Haque, Netrokona Sadar

441. Rajakar Khorshed Ali Chowdhury, Netrokona Sadar

442. Rajakar Moulana Fazlul Karim, Netrokona Sadar

443. Rajakar Moulana Abdul Khaleque Master, Village-Kunia, Netrokona Sadar

444. Rajakar Dr. Abdur Rezzak, Village-Sutarpur, Netrokona Sadar

445. Rajakar Khorshed Ali, Village-Sonajur, Netrokona Sadar

446. Rajakar Late Nurul Amin Master, Netrokona Sadar

447. Rajakar Farukh Ahmed, Netrokona Sadar

448. Rajakar Reazuddin Chairman, Village-Bali, Netrokona Sadar

449. Rajakar Amir Ali Khan Pathan, Netrokona Sadar

450. Rajakar Noab Ali Akand, Netrokona Sadar

451. Rajakar Nabalak Miah, Village-Madanpur, Netrokona Sadar

452. Rajakar Late Asimuddin Sheikh, Netrokona Sadar

453. Rajakar Sheikh Nazmul Hossain, Netrokona Sadar

454. Rajakar Late Moula Miah, Azhar Road, Netrokona Sadar

Atpara Thana

455. Rajakar Manjorul Haque, Village-Bugapara, Thana- Atpara

456. Rajakar Late Abdul Hakim Talukder, Village-Ghagra, Thana- Atpara

457. Rajakar Nannu Miah, Village-Goatla, Thana- Atpara

458. Rajakar Nazmul Sheikh, Village-Ekor Atia, Thana- Atpara

459. Rajakar Obaydul Haque Taher, Village-Bugapara, Thana- Atpara

460. Rajakar Habibur Rahman Bhuiyan, Village-Sunoi, Thana- Atpara

Barhatta Thana

461. Rajakar Muslem, Thana-Barhatta

462. Rajakar Tota, Thana-Barhatta

463. Rajakar Badsha, Thana-Barhatta

464. Rajakar Abdur Rezzak, Village-Alokdia, Thana-Barhatta

465. Rajakar Dudu Miah, Village-Alokdia, Thana-Barhatta

466. Rajakar late Aftab Uddin, Village-Salipur, Thana-Barhatta

467. Rajakar Abbas Ali Khan, Village-Koilati, Thana-Barhatta

468. Rajakar Chowdhury Daroga, Village- Koilati, Thana-Barhatta

469. Rajakar Abdul Malek Master, Village- Koilati, Thana-Barhatta

470. Rajakar Zahed Imam, Village-Chandrapur, Thana-Barhatta

Kalmakanda Thana

471. Rajakar Mofazzol Hossain Khan, Village-Satrongpur, Thana Kalmakanda

472. Rajakar Shuruz Miah, Village-Barokaton, Thana-Kalmakanda

473. Rajakar Shamsul Huda Pathan, Village-Rongsati, Thana-Kalmakanda

474. Rajakar Shamsul Huda, Village-Rahimpur, Thana-Kalmakanda

475. Rajakar Abdul Ali, Village-Bimara, Thana-Kalmakanda

476. Rajakar Late Abdul Khaleque, Village-Choita, Thana-Kalmakanda

477. Rajakar Abdul Jalil, Village-Chikarpuri, Thana-almakanda

478. Rajakar late Abdul Ali, Village-Bishara, Thana-Kalmakanda

Purbadhala Thana

479. Rajakar Bashir Akond, Thana-Purbadhala

480. Rajakar Shraf Uddin, Thana-Purbadhala

481. Rajakar Abdul Mannan Kulu, Thana-Purbadhala

482. Rajakar Moulana Fazlul Haque, Village-Khalishapur, Thana-Purbadhala

483. Rajakar Moulana Ahmed Ali, Village-Dampara, Thana-Purbadhala

484. Rajakar Adom Ali Mir, Village-Hogla, Thana-Purbadhala

Kendua Thana

485. Rajakar Anju, Thana-Kendua

486. Rajakar Chamak Ali, Village-Harulia, Thana-Kendua

487. Rajakar Matiur Rahman, Village-Maska, Thana-Kendua

488. Rajakar Head Master Sadeque Miah, Thana-Kendua

489. Rajakar late Kala Miah Chairman, Vilage-Pijahati, Thana-Kendua

490. Rajakar late Nuru Master, Village-Kawrad, Thana-Kendua

491. Rajakar late Badal Miah, Village-Kandiura, Thana-Kendua

492. Rajakar Md. Joynal Miah, Village-Kandiura, Thana-Kendua

493. Rajakar Abdul Wadud Khan, Village-Kalomati, Thana-Kendua

494. Rajakar Late Jong Bahadur Dofader, Village-Nolla, Thana-Kendua

495. Late Khoka, Village-Silampur, Thana-Kendua, Netrokona, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

496. Anju, Village-Ghagra, Thana-Kendua, Netrokona, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

District: Netrokona

Mohanganj Thana

497. Rajakar Abdul Khaleuqe, Village-Panur, Thana- Mohanganj

498. Rajakar Lal Hossain, Village- Dewkhan, Thana- Mohanganj

499. Rajakar late Sonamdi Khan, Village Baham, Thana- Mohanganj

500. Rajakar Abdul Aziz Nayeb, Village-Manshri, Thana- Mohanganj

501. Rajakar Soruj Ali Khan Pathan, Thana- Mohanganj

502. Rajakar Abdul Hai (Kari Miah), Village-Makhan, Thana- Mohanganj

503. Rajakar Mahtab Uddin, Thana- Mohanganj

504. Rajakar Ibrahim, Village-Dewkhan, Thana- Mohanganj

505. Rajakar Late Habibur Rahman Samrat, Village-Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj

506. Rajakar Late Abdul Khaleque, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj

507. Rajakar Late Chan Miah, Villlage-Majan, Thana- Mohanganj

508. Rajakar Late Karim Newaz Khan, Village-Panur, Thana- Mohanganj

509. Rajakar Chonnu Miah, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj

510. Rajakar Nazrul Sheikh, Thana- Mohanganj

511. Rajakar Nazrul Islam, Village-Manshri, Thana- Mohanganj

512. Rajakar Rabiullah, Village-Manshri, Thana- Mohanganj

513. Rajakar Golam Robbani Khan Pathan, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj

514. Rajakar Saddu Miah, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj

515. Rajakar Abdus Sattar, Village-Gharmoshri, Thana- Mohanganj

516. Rajakar Ashraf Ali Chowdhury, Village-Gharmoshri, Thana- Mohanganj

517. Rajakar late Abdur Rezzak, Village-Alokdia, Thana- Mohanganj

518. Rajakar Late Gias Uddin, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj

519. Rajakar Mahtab Uddin Ahmed, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj

520. Rajakar Amjad Miah, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj

521. Rajakar Soab Uddin Chairman, Village-Mahsudpur, Thana- Mohanganj

522. Abul Hossain Sheikh, Thana-Mohanganj, Netrokona, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

523. Mahtabuddin, Village-Barokashi, Thana-Mohanganj, Netrokona, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

Durgapur Thana

524. Rajakar Kitab Ali Talukder, Village-Gujirkona, Thana- Durgapur

525. Rajakar late Alkas Ali Mondal, Village-Gujirkona, Thana- Durgapur

526. Rajakar Amsor Member, Village-Jagirpara, Thana- Durgapur

527. RajakarMokther Mohiuddin Mridha, Thana- Durgapur

528. Rajakar Abdul Khaleque, Thana- Durgapur

529. Rajakar Idris Miah, Thana- Durgapur

530. Rajakar late Joynal Miah, Thana- Durgapur

531. Rajakar late Shamsu Member, Village-Purakandulia, Thana- Durgapur

532. Rajakar late Protik Ali Chairman, Thana- Durgapur

533. Rajakar Abdur Rashid, Village-Purakandulia, Thana- Durgapur

534. Rajakar Moulana Ahsan Ali, Village-Khalishapur, Thana- Durgapur

535. Rajakar Ahmed Talukder, Village-Jaria, Thana- Durgapur

536. Rajakar Kobaduzzaman Khan (Helo Miah) Village-Jaria, Thana- Durgapur

537. Rajakar Pinu Bhuiyan, Thana- Durgapur

538. Rajakar Runu Bhuiyan, Village-Jhanjail, Thana- Durgapur

539. Rajakar Mohiuddin Mridha, Thana- Durgapur

540. Rajakar Idris Chairman, Thana- Durgapur

Madan Thana

541. Rajakar Abdul Jabbar, Village-Changoan, Thana- Madan

542. Rajakar Abdul Malek, Villag + Thana- Madan

543. Rajakar Abdul Barek, Village + Thana- Madan

544. Rajakar Md. Abdul Motaleb, Village-Balai, Thana- Madan

545. Rajakar Shamsul Huda, Thana- Madan

546. Rajakar Md. Abdus Sobhan, Thana- Madan

547. Rajakar Hedayet Ullah BSC (Anju Moulana), Village-Kulshri, Thana- Madan

District: Kishoreganj

548. Rajakar Abdul Monayem Khan, Village-Homaipur, Thana-Bajitpur

549. Rajakar Moulana Atahar Ali, (Sylheti)

550. Rajakar Moulana Ataur Rahman Khan, Father-Moulana Ahmed Ali Khan, Kishoreganj Sadar

551. Rajakar Musa, Thana-Bajitpur

552. Rajakar Prof. Mahtab Uddin, (Gurudawal College) Joshodal, Kishoreganj Sadar

553. Rajakar Abul Hashim, son of Mofiz Haji, Village-Chiknirchar, Kishoreganj Sadar

554. Rajakar late Dulal, Village-Kariai, Kishoreganj Sadar

555. Rajakar Shamsuddin, Village-Bashhati, Kishoreganj Sadar

556. Rajakar Jalal, Father-Abdus Sobhan, Village-Norda, Kishoreganj Sadar

557. Rajakar Abul Hossain, Village-Norda, Kishoreganj Sadar

558. Rajakar Mofij Uddin, Village-Sholakia, Kishoreganj Sadar

559. Rajakar late Abdul Mannan, Father- Haji Mahmud Nobi, Village-Kalikabari, Kishoreganj Sadar

560. Rajakar Moulana Abdul Hamid (Ex Super) Village-Noahat, Kishoreganj Sadar

561. Rajakar Moulana Abdul Khaleque, Village-Kazirgoan, Kishoreganj Sadar

562. Rajakar Moulana Montazuddin, Village-Kazirgoan, Kishoreganj Sadar

563. Rajakar Moulana Adom Ali, Village-Kazirgoan, Kishoreganj Sadar

564. Rajakar Moulana Yousuf Ali, Village-Choddosato, Kishoreganj Sadar

565. Rajakar Moulana Yeahia, Village-Tutiarchar, Kishoreganj Sadar

566. Rajakar late Moulana Sirajuddin, Village- Choddosato, Kishoreganj Sadar

567. Rajakar Gias Uddin, Village-Kolapara, Kishoreganj Sadar

568. Rajakar Rostum Ali, Father- Medor, Village-Ghaghat, Kishoreganj Sadar

569. Rajakar Moulana Abdul Mannan, Village- Ghondar, thana- Kishoreganj

570. Rajakar Arman, Village-Sholakia, Kishoreganj Sadar

571. Rajakar Lokman Moulbi, Village-Gharampatti, Kishoreganj Sadar

572. Rajakar Mugal Miah, Village-Mohindar, Kishoreganj Sadar

573. Rajakar late Akkas Ali, Village-Mohindar, Kishoreganj Sadar

574. Rajakar Kasu, Village-Mohindar, Kishoreganj Sadar

575. Rajakar late Abdul Maleque, Father- Asok Ali, Village-Kolapara, Kishoreganj Sadar

576. Rajakar Juro Miah, Village-Kasurarchar, Kishoreganj Sadar

577. Rajakar Nurul Islam, Village-Mohindar, Kishoreganj Sadar

578. Rajakar late Abdur Jabbar Member, Village-Melabazar, Kishoreganj Sadar

579. Rajakar Mahtab Driver, Village-Sholakia, Kishoreganj Sadar

580. Rajakar Abdur Rahman, Father-late Amir Hossain, Village-Birdhampara, Kishoreganj Sadar

581. Rajakar Iman Hossain, Village-Madhunagar, Kishoreganj Sadar

582. Rajakar Omar Ali, Kishoreganj Sadar

583. Rajakar Omed Ali, Kishoreganj Sadar

584. Rajakar Moulana Moslemuddin, Kishoreganj Sadar

585. Menu Chairman, Village-Chiknirchar, Kishoreganj, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

586. Mahtabuddin Chairman, Village-Kolapara, Kishoreganj, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

587. Abdur Rahman Sarker, Village-Joshodal, Kishoreganj, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

Karimganj Thana

588. *Mr. Syed Lokeman Hakim, Father-Amiruddin, Village-Kairat, Thana-Karimganj, Kishoreganj

Bhairab Thana

589. *Mr. Mujibur Rahman, Father-Hazi Hossain Ali, Village-Chandibar, Thana-Bhairab, Kishoreganj

District: Faridpur

590. Rajakar Dr. Kazi Emdadul Haque, Village-Hamidi, Thana-Bhanga, Faridpur

591. Rajakar Abul Kalam Azad Bachchu

592. Rajakar Alauddin

593. Rajakar Afzaluddin

594. Rajakar Adv. Moez Uddin

595. Rajakar Musa-bin-Shamser

596. Rajakar Khidir Khan

597. Rajakar Nannu

598. Rajakar Badu

599. Rajakar Binoy

600. Rajakar Chando

601. Rajakar Kana Hasi

602. Rajakar Khokon, Nogarkanda, Faridpur

603. *Mr. Saifur Rahman, Father-Nowabjada Lutifur Rahman, Village-Rajam, Thana-Boalmari, Faridpur

604. *Mr. Rastum Ali Khan, Father-Baser Ali Khan, Village-Maslandpur, Thana-Boalmari, Faridpur

605. *Mr. Syed Md. Ali, Father-Late Saiyid Abu Sayed, Village-Chahaiani Khardia, Thana-Nagarkanda, Faridpur

District: Madaripur

606. Rajakar Khalil Jomadder

607. Rajakar Babul

608. Rajakar Nannu

609. Rajakar Shahed Ali

610. Rajakar Advocate Nannu

611. Rajakar Pappu

612. Rajakar Abdul Khaleque

613. Rajakar Hayder Mollah

614. Rajakar Mozaffer Baksh Mollah

615. Rajakar Madar Baksh Mollah

616. Rajakar Abu Taleb

District: Shariatpur

617. Rajakar Joynal Bhuiyan

Zanjira Thana

618. *Mr. Qazi Mokhlesur Rahman, Father-Late Qazi Naziruddin, Village-Uttar Kabilnagar, Thana-Zanjira,

Shariyatpur Thana

619. *Mr. Shamsur Rahman, Father-Late Alfazruddin, Howladar, Village-Chabbishpara, Thana-Zanjira, Shariyatpur

620. *Mr. Tafazzal Hossain, Father-Moulovi Abdul Hamid, Village-Gopalpur, Thana-Zanjira, Shariyatpur

Bhedarganj Thana

621. *Mr. Md. Soleman Ukil, Father-Hazi Meser Ali Munshi, Village-Mazi Kandi, Thana-Bhedarganj, Shariyatpur

District: Rajbari

622. *Mr. Syed Kamal, alias Khamar, Father-Syed Hafiz, Benodpur Town Rajbari, Thana-Rajbari, Rajbari

Disctrict: Gopalganj

623. Rajakar Ohiduzzaman, Tungipara, Gopalganj

624. Rajakar Kafu miah, Tungipara, Gopalganj

625. Rajakar Lal Miah, Tungipara, Gopalganj

626. Rajakar Raton Miah, Tungipara, Gopalganj

627. Rajakar Hemayet, Tungipara, Gopalganj

628. Rajakar Abdur Rab, Tungipara, Gopalganj

629. Rajakar Moni Miah, Tongipara, Gopalganj

630. Rajakar Aroj, Tongipara, Gopalganj

631. *Mr. Wahiduzzaman, alias Thanda Miah, Father-Late Abdul Quader, Village-Gopalganj Town, Thana-Gopalganj, Gopalganj

 "Millionaire BNP Ministers Summary: Corruption is the number one problem for Bangladesh.M Millionaire BNP Ministers Summary: Corruption is the number one problem for Bangladesh. Transparency International in its annual report placed Bangladesh Millionaire BNP Ministers Summary: Corruption is the number one problem for Bangladesh. Transparency International in its annual report placed Bangladesh at the top of the list of most corrupt nations in the world. Certainly, it makes the politicians in Bangladesh, especially those in power, extremely uncomfortable and worried. It is apprehended that in the coming report of Transparency International, Bangladesh is going to be placed once again at the top. Although the ruling alliance in the country are making frantic bids in cleansing the image of Bangladesh, it is well understood that, international community are yet to be convinced to the fact that, Begum Khaleda Zia’s government is doing something in eliminating corruption from different section in the country. Only recently, an intelligence agency in the country identified 11 mid ranking officials with National Board of Revenue, who own 15 luxurious villas in countries port city of Chittagong, which costs US$ 2.5 million. It is important to mention here that, monthly salary of these officials is less than US$ 400 per month! Police and Customs (revenue) are the most corrupt departments in Bangladesh. Almost all the officers, on their retirement, emerge as multi-millionaire. They acquire wealth and properties in their own name of in the names of their spouses.

It is almost an open secret in the country. Government also knows these facts, but is unable to take any action. In recent days, names of some of the members of the BNP’s cabinet in Bangladesh come as the worst corrupts. They minted money like wild gambling. Sixty members of parliament rose complaint against a particular minister, while the Prime Minister Khaleda Zia did not take any action against him. It is also learnt that, many of the family members of Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia are becoming fabulously rich, by using state power. The most talked about corrupt figure in Bangladesh is Tareq Rahman, eldest son of the Prime Minister. TAREQ BECAME BILLIONAIRE JUST IN FEW YEARS, WHILE MANY OF HIS FRIENDS, WHO WERE PARTNERS IN HOMOSEXUAL ACTIVITIES OR IN THE ADDICTION OF PHENSIDYL ALSO BECAME VERY RICH UNDER THE DIRECT PATRONIZATION OF THE SON OF PM BEGUM KHALEDA ZIA. Tareq has established Hawa Bhaban, which is although considered as one of the offices of the ruling party. There are solid evidences of this office’s involvement in interfering in almost all the business and contracts in the country.

Hawa Bhaban palls are considered as the most influential figures in Bangladesh. One of the Hawa Bhaban palls is Giasuddin Mamun, who is tareq’s closest friend too. Hailing from an extreme poor family in the southern part of Bangladesh, Mamun is today one of the richest men in Bangladesh through various corruption, smuggling and many other forms of illegal activities. Surprisingly one of the assistant press secretaries of Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, Touhidul Islam alias Ashik Islam is simultaneously working in the PMO as well in Hawa Bhaban as its spokesman. Moreover, this man is also involved with Tareq’s private television channel, Channel One. There are numerous allegations on Ashik’s involvement in a number of financial irregularities as well of misappropriating state money with various excuses, government did not take any action against this man, as he is considered to be one of the closest aides of Tareq Rahman. In the PMO too, Ashik is known as an womanizer, alcoholic, bribe taker and blackmailer.

Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was notified several times about this man’s illegal activities by country’s intelligence agencies. But, she could not take any action against Ashik, as Tareq always stood behind him with fullest support. Khaleda’a own brother, Sayeed Iskander, who is a sacked major of Bangladesh army, also turned into multi-millionaire by using the influence of his sister. Positions why these criminals should not to be arrested? the criminals should be punished the corruption not to be repeated in bangladesh US, UK seek help to recover kickbacks : Tareq Koko and Mamun and babar nama by Mokthel Hossain Mukthi on Sunday, April 3, 2011 at 12:37pm US, UK seek help to recover kickbacks $200m stashed in overseas banks by Koko, ministers of 4-party government Staff Correspondent The US and UK yesterday sought Bangladesh's assistance in their bid to recover around $200 million allegedly paid in kickbacks to former prime minister Khaleda Zia's son Arafat Rahman Koko and some ministers of the last BNP-led government.

A delegation comprising the United States justice department's deputy chief Linda M Samuel, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agent Deborah Heprevotte and UK Institute of Management consultant Ferdous Ahmed made the request for help at a meeting with Law Minister Shafique Ahmed at his secretariat office. They handed him a list of the persons suspected of receiving the sums during the immediate past four-party alliance rule. Shafique last night told The Daily Star, “We have assured the delegation of help in getting back the money." Earlier, after meeting the US and UK officials, he told reporters that the former prime minister's [Khaleda Zia] son Arafat Rahman Koko and a dozen ministers and leaders of four-party are alleged to have received $200 million in bribe for awarding work to foreign companies. The money is currently deposited in banks across 20 countries including Singapore, United Kingdom and United Arab Emirates, he added. He said law and finance ministries, Attorney General's Office and Bangladesh Bank will have to work together to assist in retrieval of the alleged bribery proceeds. Attorney General Salah Uddin Ahmad and ACC counsel Anisul Huq were present at the meeting.

The delegation has been in the city for over a week. They have had several meetings with local officials concerned. Contacted, a spokesman of the US embassy in Dhaka said their justice department officials are here to follow up the money recovery case and also widen the scope of US-Bangladesh judicial cooperation. The US government on Thursday filed a forfeiture action against accounts holding the alleged bribes paid to Koko and others. On December 18 last year, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) disclosed that Koko has around Tk 11.43 crore stashed in a Singapore bank Koko's parole cancelled Asked to return home by Aug 31 Unb, Dhaka Arafat Rahman Koko who had been on parole for treatment in Bangkok was asked to return home by August 31 and surrender before the court, official sources said yesterday. Koko, the youngest son of BNP Chairperson and ex-premier Khaleda Zia, is facing a number of corruption cases.

He was arrested during the previous caretaker government. Later, he got parole and left for Bangkok on July 19, 2008 for better treatment as he had been suffering from respiratory problems. His lawyer barrister Mahbubu Uddin Khokon MP told UNB yesterday night that they received a letter from the Home Ministry at about 7:00pm asking Koko to return by August 31 and surrender before court. Responding to the Home Ministry's letter Khokon said his client Koko's physical condition is so bad that interruption to his treatment only lead to his death. He said hospitals in Bangkok where Koko has been receiving treatment have been sending reports to the Bangladesh government every month stating his health condition. Last week, Bangladesh mission officials at Bangkok visited Koko to enquire about his health condition. “His health condition is very bad. If necessary the government can form an inquiry team to assess his health,” Khokon said. In reply to a question, he said a formal request will be made to the government soon to cancel the government's decision for bringing him back. Khaleda's Press Secretary Maruf Kamal Khan told the agency an ailing person has constitutional right to live. He said the present Prime Minister who was also on parole for her treatment cannot cancel Koko's parole. “There shouldn't be double standards of law.

This is politically motivated,” Maruf said Front Page what of the character of the mother, Khaleda Zia, who looked the other way while her sons were robbing the country blind, what about her responsibility to the electorate that made her prime minister? And why should we give Tariq Rahman special treatment because his mother brought him up as a spoilt brat? If the army’s hierarchy has any false sense of loyalty they should collectively take a walk every morning among the poor, hungry, shelterless of Bangladesh and look at the sheer helplessness in their desolate eyes. If they do not discover to whom their loyalty must be given, they are either blind or not true to the oath of allegiance they took. If the military hierarchy makes a political deal with the corrupt, whoever they may be, there is no hope for Bangladesh. If someone robs a house you put him in jail for a few years, white-collar criminals who take advantage of their office and/or connections must go to jail many more years.Bangladesh is at a peculiar crossroads in its nationhood, whether to carry out effective accountability before returning to full democracy or let public pressure hasten the renewal of political activity and allow the corrupt to further corrupt an already corrupted system. It would mean disaster; it will affect the survival of tens of millions. Given the temptations inherent and the exhortations of the motivated, the army’s hierarchy has done well in staying within the constitution and instead of acquiring direct power supporting civilian authority. The Bangladesh Army chief, Lieutenant-General Moeen Ahmad, has stayed true to his word in not getting carried away by the opportunity to ride into town publicly as the country’s saviour.

He must remain careful in not saying or writing anything that may give any inclination of political ambition in the future. Vested interest will not spare any opportunity to misconstrue good intention and undercut the credibility of the army’s intention and role behind the scenes because that will erode its effectiveness. It is of the utmost importance that the army’s reputation (and his) is not tainted by hint of personal ambition, except solely and wholly the well-being and future prosperity of Bangladesh. Tariq Rahman’s case makes for a crossroads for accountability; if Ziaur Rahman’s sons are shown any leniency then the whole process of accountability will be compromised. The military hierarchy will then have no business holding anyone in Bangladesh accountable. Tariq Rahman and Arafat Rahman are acid tests for the Bangladesh Army. Fail to make them accountable and you have failed your uniform and your country. ….. More Confession Babar cut $10m Warid deal for Koko Staff Correspondent Former state minister for home Lutfozzaman Babar spilled more beans as he told investigators yesterday that he had negotiated a $10 million fast-track frequency allocation deal for Warid Telecom and the booty was shared by Arafat Rahman Koko and former BNP MP Ali Asgar Lobi. Of the amount, $9 million was given to former prime minister Khaleda Zia's younger son Koko and $1 million to detained BNP leader Lobi who had close links with detained BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Tarique Rahman and his Hawa Bhaban. Babar also revealed during interrogation that Koko and former finance minister Saifur Rahman's son Tony took commission from a Chinese company in the name of giving it a contract for supplying telecommunications equipment. He, however, denied his involvement in the deal. On the controversial purchase of 1,970 vehicles involving Tk 121 crore from the government coffer and a huge counterpart fund from a donor agency, he told the investigators that he did not go through the documents before signing the deal. "It was my mistake.

I even did not go through the file before signing it," Babar was quoted to have said during interrogation. The former state minister claimed that he had no option but to approve the controversial vehicle purchase for various law enforcement departments "under pressure from the high-ups". Pacific Motors owned by former foreign minister M Morshed Khan was the prime beneficiary of the purchase proposal. Babar, who is now on a four-day police remand, said BNP's Senior Joint Secretary General Tarique Rahman was the main backer of Pacific Motors. The government decided to procure the 1,970 cars ahead of the Saarc summit in the capital in 2005. The police headquarters floated a tender in which 16 importers participated. But at the last moment, the authorities changed the conditions of bidding through a circular in such a way that allowed only two importers to participate. That prompted the other bidders to lodge complaints with the government alleging corruption in the bidding process, but that did not work.

Sources said the former state minister also confessed that an official of the Bangladesh High Commission in Singapore used to look after his business there. Sources said the former state minister gave the investigators information, which they later found to be false. Babar gave the false information to save himself, the sources added. Babar also confessed to owning a lot of plots and flats in the names of his relatives. Meanwhile, Tk 20 crore, which Babar took as bribe from Bashundhara Group, was deposited in the central bank's government exchequer on Wednesday in nine cheques and pay orders. A Bashundhara Group director told the joint forces that Babar took the money in exchange for not implicating Bashundhara Group owner Ahmed Akbar Sobhan's son Shafiat Sobhan in the killing of another director of the conglomerate Humayun Kabir Sabbir. The former state minister asked the Bashundhara men to deliver the money to Prime Bank Director Qazi Saleemul Huq who was supposed to return the money to Babar at a later time, sources said. After receiving the bribe, Babar allegedly instructed the police not to proceed with the case and the Bashundhara director's murder still remains unsolved. He also allegedly let Sobhan's son Shafiat fly out of the country. Bashundhara Chairman Ahmed Akbar Sobhan is on the Anti-Corruption Commission list of graft suspects. He escaped to London soon after the anti-graft drive began and has been hiding abroad since then. https://bdcorruption.wordpr

ess.com/ we want to know update news? "

১৫ই আগষ্ট ১৯৭৫ সাল।

“বাঙ্গালী জাতির স্বাধীনতা, সার্বভৌমত্ব ও অস্তিত্ব বিপর্যায়ের মহাকাল”।

৭১ এ হেরে যাওয়া হিংস্র হায়েনা পশু পাকিস্তান আই এস আই ও স্বদেশী পা’চাটা নরপিশাচ সাম্প্রদায়িক মৌলবাদী ঘাতক দালাল আল বদর আল শামস আল রাজাকার কর্তৃক মধ্যযুগীয় বর্বর হত্যাকাণ্ডের নীল নক্সা বাস্তবায়নের তৃতীয় অধ্যায়ের পরিসমাপ্তি ঘটায় জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধুকে স্বপরিবারে হত্যার মাধ্যমে।

পাকিস্তান পিপলস পার্টির জুলফিকার আলী ভূট্টোর খায়েশ মিটাতে রাও ফরমান আলী ইয়াহিয়া আর টিক্কার নির্দেশে ৭১ এ যেমন বাঙ্গালী নিধনের গোলাবারুদ আর কামান গর্জে উঠেছিল; ঠিক একই ধারায় স্বদেশী হায়েনা আর কিছু উচ্চাভিলাষী সেনা সদস্যের কামান বাঙ্গালী জাতিকে চিরতরে এতিম করে লাল সবুজের পতাকাকে করে যায় কলঙ্কিত- এই কালো রাত্রি ১৫ আগষ্ট, ১৯৭৫ এ।

শুধু রাষ্ট্রপতি বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবকে হত্যা করেনি; হত্যা করেছে রাষ্ট্রের গণতন্ত্র সমাজতন্ত্র জাতীয়তাবাদ ও ধর্মনিরপেক্ষতার মুল পবিত্র সাংবিধানিক কাঠামো আদর্শ ও নীতিকে।    

তাতেও যদি ক্ষান্ত হত, দুঃখ ছিলনা। দুঃখ এখানেই যে মুজিব হত্যার বিচার করা যাবে না। পাকিস্তান আই এস আই’র ইন্টেল্যাকচুয়াল/ পাকিস্তান সিকিউরিটি অফ ইনটেলিজেন্ট মেজর জিয়াকে বিলিয়ন বিলিয়ন ডলার উপঢৌকন দিয়ে “শেখ মুজিব হত্যার বিচারকে রোহিত করার জন্য কালো আইন “ইনডেমনিটি” পাশ করান হয়” যাতে “বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিব হত্যার বিচার কখনোই কার্যকর না করা যায়” । অর্থাৎ “বাংলার মাটিতে যেনো শেখ মুজিবের নাম পুনরায় উন্থাপিত না হয়” ।

একটি পরিবার, একটি মন্ত্রী পরিষদ, একটি রাজনৈতিক দলের নীতিনির্ধারক, মুক্তিযোদ্ধা, মুজিব বাহিনী, মহান স্বাধীনতার সফল সংগঠক, জাতীয় ৪ নেতা, আওয়ামী লীগের হাজার হাজার নেতা কর্মী, ভক্ত অনুসারী, স্থল, নৌ ও বিমান বাহিনীর জোয়ানদের হত্যাকারী পাপিষ্ঠের যথোপযুক্ত শাস্তির বিধানকে পকেটে রাখার মত দাম্ভিকতা দেখিয়ে, বিচার বিভাগীয় সকল স্বাধীনতা খর্ব করে স্বৈরাচারী খুনি ঘাতক সামান্য একজন মেজর হয়ে যায় “প্রধান সামরিক আইন প্রশাসক  লেফটয়ান্যান্ট জেনারেল জিয়াউর রহমান।

কিন্তু বিধাতা বলে, আল্লাহ্‌ বলে, ভগবান বলে অথবা ঈশ্বর বলে তো একজন আছেন। যিনি জগতের শ্রেষ্ঠ বিচারক। মুজিব হত্যার বিচার হয়েছে এই বাংলার মাটিতেই। জিয়ার মৃত্যুর পরে লাশ খুঁজে পাওয়া যায়নি। চট্টগ্রাম সার্কিট হাউস থেকে মিথ্যে বানোয়াট ভুয়া মৃতদেহের নামে একটি শূন্য কফিন হেলিকপ্টারে বহে এনে গোটা বাঙ্গালী জাতিকে চরমভাবে প্রতারণা করা হয়।

জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধু হত্যার বিচার তাঁর যোগ্য উত্তরসূরি জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনার সরকার আন্তর্জাতিক বিচার ব্যবস্থা বিধি নিয়ম নীতি ও আইনের মাধ্যমেই প্রতিষ্ঠিত করেছেন।

কিন্তু জিয়া হত্যার বিচার হল না কেন? 

তাঁর বিধবা স্ত্রী মাননীয় বি এন পি’র চেয়ারপারসন বেগম খালেদা জিয়ার মূখে জাতি কেন একবারও শূনতে পেলো না” জিয়া হত্যার বিচার চাই” ?? এ কথা আওয়ামী লীগ নেত্রী বিচক্ষক জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনাও অনেক জনসভায় প্রশ্ন তুলেছেন”  জিয়া হত্যার বিচার হল না কেন? জিয়াওতো বিতর্কিত হলেও একজন মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও সেনাবাহিনীর প্রধান ছিলেন? ছিলেন অবৈধ হলেও দেশের রাষ্ট্রপতি??????  তাঁর হত্যার কেন বিচার হবে না? যারা আওয়ামী লীগ তথা স্বাধীনতার স্বপক্ষের বলে দাবী করেন, তারা সুদীর্ঘ ২১ টি বছর উন্মাদের মত রাজপথ কাপিয়ে দিয়ে গগনবিদারী চিৎকার করে বলেছে” মুজিব হত্যার বিচার চাই”। মহান আল্লাহ্‌ তা’ কবুল করেছেন। মুজিব হত্যার বিচার অসম্পূর্ণ হলেও ৬ জনের ফাঁসির রায় কার্যকর করা হয়েছে।

কিন্তু আমার যে বন্ধুরা বি এন পি’র একান্ত নেতা কর্মী ভক্ত অনুসারী তাদের মুখেও কেন আমরা ঘুমের ঘোরে ভুল করেও শূনতে পেলাম না” আমরা জিয়া হত্যার বিচার চাই”?

এই জিয়া হত্যার বিচার না চাওয়া বরং ধামাচাপা দেবার রহস্যজনক “লীলাখেলা”র ভেদ উন্মোচনে বিজ্ঞ ব্যর্থ রাজনীতিবিদ সাবেক রাষ্ট্রপতি প্রফেসর ডঃ বদরুদ্দোজা চৌধুরীর ভূমিকা কি? তিনি তো জাতিকে সত্য ঘটনা খুলে বলতে পারেন??????????????  

মোকতেল হোসেন মুক্তি

সভাপতি, সময়৭১

সহ সভাপতি, কেন্দ্রীয় কমিটি,

বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী তরুণ লীগ                        

প্রতিষ্ঠাতা সভাপতি

মালদ্বীপ আওয়ামী লীগ

মুক্তিযোদ্ধা সংহতি পরিষদের বক্তব্য

আন্তর্জাতিক আইনের দৃষ্টিকোণ হতে গণহত্যা শব্দটি ব্যাপক অর্থ বহন করে। আইনের পরিভাষায় ’জেনোসাইড’ বলতে কেবল মাত্র কোন জনপদে হত্যাযজ্ঞ সংগঠনের অপরাধকেই বোঝায়না, বরং কোন জনগোষ্ঠীর স্বতন্ত্র পরিচিতি ও প্রকৃতি বলপূর্বক পরিবর্তন করার উদ্দেশ্য নিয়ে ওই জনসমষ্টির জানমাল ও সম্পত্তির ব্যাপক ক্ষতিসাধনের সাথে সাথে তার নৃতাত্ত্বিক বৈশিষ্ট্য ও সংস্কৃতি উপর যে কোন সুপরিকল্পিত হামলা গণহত্যার সংজ্ঞার আওতাভুক্ত।

যে কোন জনপদে যে কোন সশস্ত্র সংঘর্ষের অনিবার্য্য পরিণতি হিসেবেই জানমালের ব্যাপক ক্ষতি সাধিত হয়। এ সব ক্ষেত্রে যুদ্ধের নিয়ম বহির্ভূত ভাবে যারা নরহত্যা, ধর্ষণ, সম্পত্তি ধ্বংস ইত্যাদি মারাত্মক অপরাধ করে, যুদ্ধাপরাধী হিসেবে তাদের বিচার ও শান্তি হয়। কিন্তু এই ধ্বংসযজ্ঞের মূল উদ্দেশ্য যদি হয় সংশ্লিষ্ট জনগোষ্ঠীর নৃতাত্ত্বিক, সাংস্কৃতিক এবং ঐতিহ্যগত বৈশিষ্ট্য সমূহ বিনষ্ট করে দেওয়া, এবং সংঘটিত ধ্বংসযজ্ঞ যদি সুনির্দিষ্ট পরিকল্পনার ভিত্তিতে সম্পাদন করা হয়, তবেই তা গণহত্যার অপরাধহিসেবে বিবেচিত হয়। এ সব ক্ষেত্রে যারা সরাসরি ধ্বংসযজ্ঞে অংমগ্রহণ করে শুধু তারাই নয়, বরং এই ধ্বংসযজ্ঞে প্রত্যক্ষ বা পরোক্ষ সমর্থন প্রদানকারীরাও অপরাধী হিসেবে বিবেচিত হয়। দৃষ্টান্ত হিসেবে বলা যায়, দ্বিতীয় মহাযুদ্ধে ইহুদী ধর্ম সম্প্রদায়কি হত্যাকারী জার্মানদের বিচারের সময় কেবলমাত্র ধ্বংসযজ্ঞের সাথে সরাসরি জড়িতদেরই বিচার হয়নি, বরং নাজী গণহত্যাযজ্ঞের প্রতি নৈতিক সমর্থন দানকারীদেরও দৃষ্টান্তমূলক শাস্তি দেওয়া হয়েছিল।
যুদ্ধাপরাধ এবং গণহত্যার অভিযোগে অভিযুক্তদের বিচাররর ক্ষেত্রে বিশেষ নীতিমালা অনুসরণ করা হয়। যেহেতু ব্যাপক ধ্বংসযজ্ঞের সময় সংঘঠিত প্রতিটি অপরাধ স্বতন্ত্র হতে বাধ্য সে জন্য প্রয়োজনীয় সাক্ষ্যপ্রমাণ পাওয়া স্বভাবিক কারণেই সম্ভব নয়। এসব ক্ষেত্রে শাস্তি প্রদানের জন্য ভুক্তভোগীর সাক্ষ্যের সাথে অভিযুক্তের অপরাধ সংঘঠনকারী সংস্থার সাথে যুক্ত থাকা এবং অপরাধ সংঘঠিত হওয়ার সময় অকুস্থলে বা কাছাকাছি উপস্থিত থাকার বিষয়টি সমান গুরুত্ব লাভ করে। হিটলারের সন্ত্রাস সৃষ্টিকারী নাজী পার্টির সমস্ত সদস্যকে শুধুমাত্র ওই পার্টির সদস্য হওয়ার কারণেই শাস্তি ভোগ করতে হয়েছিল।

১৯৭১ সালে পাকিস্তানী বাহিনী এ দেশীয় দালালদের সহযোগিতায় সমগ্র বাংলাদেশে যে ধ্বংসযজ্ঞ চালায়, যে কোন বিচারেই তা ছিল একটি নজীরবিহীন গণহত্যা।

যদিও গণহত্যার মত অপরাধ মানব সভ্যতার সূচনালগ্ন থেকেই সংঘটিত হয়েছে, তবু গণহত্যার আন্তজাতিক ভাবে প্রয়োগ যোগ্য সংজ্ঞা প্রদান এবং গণহত্যা যেহেতু সমগ্র মানবতার বিরুদ্ধে অপরাধ, সেহেতু গণহত্যার অপরাধের বিচার ও শাস্তি প্রদান আন্তর্জাতিক বিবেচনার ব্যাপার- এই বিশ্বজনীন সাধারন নীতির প্রচলন করা হয় মূলতঃ দ্বিতীয় বিশ্বযুদ্ধের পর।

দ্বিতীয় মহাযুদ্ধে জার্মানীর পরাজয়ের পর ১৯৪৫ সালের ৩১ মে রয়্যাল কোর্ট অব জাস্টিস হলে যুদ্ধাপরাধ কমিশনের সদস্য রাষ্ট্রগুলির এক সম্মেলন অনুষ্ঠিত হয়। এই সম্মেলনে কমিশনের চেয়ারম্যার লর্ড রাইট বলেন:

"... ... নাজী অথবা ফ্যাসিবাদী অপরাধের বৈশিষ্ট্য হল যে, সমগ্র যুদ্ধ এলাকার ও অধিকৃত এলাকায় তারা যে শুধু ব্যাপক ভাবে অপরাধই করেছে তাই নয়, তারা দেখিয়ে দিয়েছে যে, এর পেছনে ছিল ব্যাপক একটা পরিকল্পনা; এসব এসেছে একজন দুর্ধর্ষ অপরাধী ও তার সাঙ্গপাঙ্গদের মস্তিষ্ক থেকে এবং এসব পরিকল্পনা কার্যকর হয়েছে, বিস্তৃত হয়েছে, সুসংগঠিত প্রতিনিধি ও কৌশলের মাধ্যমে; এর অর্থ প্রত্যেকে কাজ করেছে একটি নির্দেশে, একটি সূত্রে।"

ওই বছর ৮ আগষ্ট, নেতৃস্থানীয় যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচরের জন্য একটি আন্তর্জাতিক ট্রাইব্যুনাল গঠন করা হয়। এই ট্রাইব্যুনালের কার্যপ্রণালী বিধিতে ছিল মোট ৩০ টি অনুচ্ছেদ।

ষষ্ঠ অনুচ্ছেদে বলা হয়েছিল যে, ইউরোপীয় অক্ষশক্তির দেশগুলোর প্রয়োজনে যে ব্যক্তিগতভাবে অথবা কোন প্রতিষ্ঠানের সদস্য হিসাবে কাজ করেছে এবং নিম্নে লিখিত অপরাধগুলো করেছে তার বিচার ও শাস্তি দেয়ার অধিকার এই ট্রাইব্যুনারের থাকবে :

(ক) শান্তির বিরুদ্ধে অপরাধ- যথা, যুদ্ধ সূচনা বা প্রস্তুতি পরিকল্পনা অর্থাৎ আন্তর্জাতিক চুক্তির লঙ্ঘন অথবা উল্লিখিত সে কোনটা করার জন্য সাধারণ পরিকল্পনায় অংশগ্রহণ অথবা ষড়যন্ত্র করা।
(খ) যুদ্ধাপরাধ- যথা, যুদ্ধের আইন অথবা প্রথা ভঙ্গ করা। এতে যুক্ত হবে, কিন্তু এর মধ্যেই সীমিত নয়, অধিকৃত এলাকায় বেসামরিক ব্যক্তিদের হত্যা, দুর্ব্যবহার অথবা ক্রীতদাসের মত শ্রমে বা অন্যকাজে নিয়োগ করা, যুদ্ধবন্দীদের প্রতি দুর্ব্যবহার করা অথবা নাবিকদের প্র্রতি অত্যাচার অথবা সামরিক প্রয়োজনের দ্বরা সমর্থিত নয় এমন সরকারী ও বেসরকারী সম্পত্তি বিনষ্টকরন ও ইচ্ছাকৃতভাবে শহর, নগর ও গ্রামের ধ্বংস সাধন।

(গ) মানবতার বিরুদ্ধে অপরাধ - যথা, যুদ্ধের সময় বা আগে কোন বেসামরিক নাগরিককে হত্যা, বিলুপ্ত করা, ক্রীতদাস করা বা অন্যান্য অমানবিক কাজ ; অথবা রাজনৈতিক, গোষ্ঠীগত ও ধর্মীয় কারনে বিচার।

উপরোক্ত মূলনীতির আলোকে নাজী যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের ইতিহাসখ্যাত ন্যুরেমবার্গ বিচার শুরু হয় ১৯৪৫ সালের নভেম্বর মাসে। ১ অক্টোবর ১৯৪৬ পর্যন্ত এই বিচার কাজ চালিয়ে মাত্র ১১ মাস সময়ে মূল যুদ্ধপরাধীদের বিচারের কাজ শেষ করা হয়। অপরাধীদের শাস্তি অবিলম্বে কার্যকর করা হয়।
এই বিচারের পর ট্রাইব্যুনালের নীতিমালা জাতিসংঘের সাধারণ পরিষদে আলোচিত হয় এবং ভবিষ্যতের রক্ষাকবচ হিসেবে ন্যুরেমবার্গ বিচারকে আন্তর্জাতিক আইন হিসেবে গ্রহণের বিষয়টি বিবেচিত হয়। তদনুযায়ী জাতিসংঘ সাধারণ পরিষদের ৫৫ তম সভায় ১১ ডিসেম্বর, ১৯৪৬ তারিখের ৯১ (১) সংখ্যক নিম্নলিখিত প্রস্তাবটি সর্বসম্মত ভাবে গৃহীত হয়ঃ

’হত্যা যেমন ব্যক্তিগত অস্তিত্ত্ব রক্ষার অধিকার লংঘন করে তেমনি গণহত্যাও একটি মানব গোষ্ঠীর বাঁচার অধিকার লংঘন করে। এ ধরনের অধিকার লংঘন মানব চেতনাকে আহত করে, এর ফলে মানব সমাজ ঐ মানব গোষ্ঠীর কৃষ্টি বা ঐজাতীয় অন্যান্য অবদান থেকে বঞ্চিত হয় এবং তা জাতিসংঘের লক্ষ্য ও মূলনীতি এবং নৈতিক আইনের পরিপন্থী।
এ ধরনের বহু গণহত্যার অপরাধ সংঘটিত হয়েছে যখন গোত্রগত, ধর্মীয়, রাজনৈতিক ও অন্যান্য গোষ্ঠীকে অংশত বা পূর্নতঃ ধ্বংস করা হয়েছে।

গণহত্যার শাস্তি প্রদান একটি আন্তর্জাতিক বিবেচনার ব্যাপার।

একই সভায় পরিষদ জাতিসংঘের অর্থনৈতিক সামাজিক কাউন্সিলকে একটি খসড়া আইন প্রণয়নের অনুরোধ জানায়। তদনুযায়ী ষষ্ঠ কমিটি খসড়া প্রণয়ন করে এবং ১৯৪৮ সালের ৯ ডিসেম্বর সাধারণ পরিষদে এ’টি সদস্য রাষ্ট্রগুলোর মধ্যে সম্পাদত একটি আন্তর্জাতিক চুক্তি হিসেবে গৃহীত হয়।

চুক্তির মূল বক্তব্য :

চুক্তিবদ্ধ দলগুলো ১১ ডিসেম্বর ১৯৪৬, জাতিসংঘের সাধারণ পরিষদের ৯১ (১) প্রস্তাবে ঘোষণা করে - 'গণহত্যা আন্তর্জাতিক আইনে অপরাধ, জাতিসংঘের লক্ষ্য ও মূল নীতির পরিপন্থী এবং সভ্য জগৎ এটাকে নিন্দা করছে ও মনে করছে:

ইতিহাসের সব পর্যায়ে গণহত্যা মানব সমাজে ব্যাপক ক্ষতি সাধন করেছে। তারা আরো মনে করে, মানুষকে এ ধরনের জঘন্য যন্ত্রণা থেকে মুক্ত করার জন্য আন্তর্জাতিক সহযোগিতা প্রয়োজন। নিম্নে যা লেখা হলো তাতে তারা স্বাক্ষর দান করছে-

ধারা- ১। চুক্তিবদ্ধ দলগুলো সত্য বলে স্বীকার করে যে, গণহত্যা শাস্তি অথবা যুদ্ধ যে কোন সময় সংঘটিত হোক না কেন, আন্তর্জাতিক আইনে তা অপরাধ, যা রোধ ও শাস্তি দানের প্রতিশ্রুতি তারা দিচ্ছে।

ধারা- ২। বর্তমান চুক্তিতে গণহত্যার অর্থ নিম্নলিখিত যে কোন কাজগুলো, অংশত বা পূর্ণতঃ, কোন জাতীয়, গোত্রহত, গোষ্ঠীগত বা ধর্মীয় গোষ্ঠীকে ধ্বংস করার উদ্দেশ্যে সংঘঠিত হওয়া। যেমন:

ক। দলের সদস্যকে হত্যা করা,
খ। দলের সদস্যদের দেহ অধবা মানসিক দিক থেকে গুরুতর ক্ষতি করা,
গ। ইচ্ছাকৃতভাবে অংশতঃ বা পূর্ণতঃ দৈহিক ধ্বংস সাধনের পরিপল্পনায় দলীয় জীবনে আঘাত হানা,
ঘ। দলের জন্মরোধ করার উদ্দেশ্যে কোন ব্যবস্থা গ্রহণ,
ঙ। বল প্রয়োগে এক দলের শিশুকে অন্য দলে সরানো।
ধারা- ৩: নিম্নলিখিত কাজগুলো শাস্তির যোগ্য
ক। গণহত্যা;
খ। গণহত্যা করার ষড়যন্ত্র;
গ। গণহত্যা করার জন্য প্রত্যক্ষ ও গণ উত্তেজনা সৃষ্টি,
ঘ। গণহত্যার সঙ্গে জড়িত থাকা।
ধারা- ৪ : যে সব ব্যক্তি গণহত্যা করবে বা ৩ নম্বর ধারায় বর্ণিত কাজগুলোর যে কোনটি করবে, সে শাসনতান্ত্রিক মতে শাসক, সরকারী কর্মচারী বা ব্যক্তি যেই হোক না কেন, তাকে শাস্তি পেতে হবে।
ধারা- ৫ : চুক্তিতে স্বাক্ষর দানকারী দলগুলো এই আশ্বাস দিচ্ছে সে, তাদের স্ব-স্ব শাসনতন্ত্র অনুযায়ী এই চুক্তিকে কার্যকর করার জন্য প্রয়োজনীয় আইন তৈরী করবে, বিশেষতঃ, যে সব ব্যক্তি গণহত্যার অপরাধে অপরাধী বা তৃতীয় ধারায় বর্ণিত কাজগুলোর যে কোন একটা করার জন্য দোষী বলে বিবেচিত হবে, তাদের শাস্তিদানের ব্যবস্থা করবে।’
গণহত্যার উপরোক্ত বিশ্বজনীন সংজ্ঞার আলোকে বিচার করলে দেখা যায়, ১৯৭১ সালে বাংলাদেশে যে নজীর বিহীন হত্যাযজ্ঞ সংঘটিত হয়েছে তার সাথে জড়িত প্রত্যেকটি পাকিস্তানী সেনা এবং তাদের এদেশীয় দোসর শাস্তি কমিটির সদস্য, রাজাকার, আলবদর, আলশামস সকলেই গণহত্যার অপরাধে অপরাধী।

বাংলাদেশে পাকিস্তানী বাহিনীর নৃশংস হত্যাযজ্ঞ কেবলমাত্র স্বধীকারের দাবীতে পরিচালেত একটি ব্যাপক গণ আন্দোলনকে স্তব্ধ করার উদ্দেশ্যে সংঘটিত আকষ্মিক শক্তি প্রয়োগ নয়, বরং তা ছিল বাঙারী জাতির নৃতাত্ত্বিক ও সাংস্কৃতিক বৈশিষ্ট্যসমূহ বিনষ্ট করার এক সুদুর প্রসারী পরিকল্পনার অংশ বিশেষ। ঠিক যেভাবে হিটলারের নাজী বাহিনী চেয়েছিল ইউরোপকে ইহুদীমুক্ত করতে এবং তাদের ভাষায় ইউরোপের ’নিম্নশ্রেণীর জাতিগুলোকে সেমিটিক রক্তে পরিশোধিত করতে, ’ তেমনি পাকিস্তানী বাহিনীরও উদ্দেশ্য ছিল- এদেশে বাঙালী জাতিসত্ত্বার চিন্তা চেতনাকে সমূলে উৎপাটন করে এই জনগোষ্ঠীকে তাদের অধীনস্থ দাস জাতিতে পরিণত করা।

১৯৭১ এর গণহত্যার সময় পাকিস্তানী বাহিনী ও তাদের এদেশীয় দালালদের ধ্বংসযজ্ঞ পরিচালনার জন্য প্রণীত পরিকল্পনার প্রকৃতি এবং সে সময় প্রদত্ত তাদের বিভিন্ন বিশিষ্ট বক্তব্য বিশ্লেষণী দৃষ্টি দিয়ে দেখলে এ’বিষয়টি সুস্পষ্ট হয়ে যায়। এবিষয়ে বিভিন্ন বিশিষ্ট ব্যক্তিত্বের সূচিন্তিত, মতামত প্রণিধানযোগ্য। এখানে শুধু উদ্ধৃত করা হবে খোদ পাকিস্তানের একজন বিশিষ্ট রাজনীতিকের বক্তব্য।

’৭১ - এর ১৬ ডিসেম্বর বাংলাদেশে পাক বাহিনীর শোচনীয় পরাজয়ের পর পরই ১৯৭২ সালের শুরুতে পাকিস্তানী বাহিনীর পরাজয়ের কারণ অনুসন্ধানে সেদেশে সুপ্রীম কোর্টের বিচারপতিদের সমন্বয়ে একটি কমিশন গঠন করা হয়। ’ডিবেক্যাল কমিশন’ বা ’বিপর্যয় কমিশন’ নামে পরিচিত ওই কমিশনে সাক্ষ্য দানকারীদের অন্যতম ছিলেন পাকিস্তান তাহরিক-ই-ইশতিকলাল পার্টির তৎকালীন সাধারণ সম্পাদক মালিক গোলাম জিলানী। তাঁর লিখিত স্বাক্ষ্যে তিনি বলেন, ’... ... বাস্তবিক পক্ষে, আমার প্রাপ্ত তথ্য ও বিশ্বাস অনুসারে (আমি বলতে পারি), যখন তৎকালীন পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে সামরিক অ্যাকশন গ্রহণের সিদ্ধান্ত নেওয়া হয় – এবং এই সিদ্ধান্ত সাধারণভাবে সবাই যে রকম জানে বা বিশ্বাস করে থাকে, তার চেয়ে অনেক আগেই নেওয়া হয়েছিল- সেই সিদ্ধান্তের লক্ষ্য ও পরিকল্পনা ছিল, যেভাবে কুখ্যাত আইখম্যান পরিকল্পনায় হিটলার ইহুদী জাতিকে নির্মূল করে ইহুদী সমস্যার চ’ড়ান্ত সমাধান করতে চেয়েছিল, সেই একই কায়দায় তদানীন্তন পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের সমগ্র জনসমষ্টিকে সম্পূর্ণ নির্মূল করা। এটি ছিল বিকৃত মস্তিষ্কজাত, চরম পৈশাচিক এক ষড়যন্ত্র, যা পাকিস্তানের জন্য লজ্জা ও কলঙ্কের কারণ হতো, এবং এটা তা’ই বয়ে নিয়ে এসেছে।’(দৈনিক মর্নিং নিউজ ২৮ নভেম্বর ’৭৩) বাংলাদেশে পাকিস্তানী বাহিনীর হত্যাযজ্ঞ যে নাজী জার্মানীর ইহুদী হত্যালীলার চেয়েও ভয়াবহ ছিল সে বিষয়ে মালিক জিলানী তাঁর সাক্ষ্যের অপর একটি অংশে বলেন, ...... বস্তুতঃ আমি তৎকালীন পূর্ব পাকিস্তান ’হামলা’ করার জন্য ভারতের সমালোচনা তো করবই- না, বরং পাকিস্তানের নামকে এর রাজস্বসহ একচেটিয়া দখল করে নেওয়া মাতাল গুন্ডাদের একটি দলকে পদানত করার কাজে সাফল্যের জন্য আমি মিসেস ইন্তিরা গান্ধীকে শুভেচ্ছা জানাতে চাই। আমি ভারতের প্রধান মন্ত্রী হতাম, তাহলে আমি অনেক আগেই পদক্ষেপ নিতাম যাতে করে যে তিরিশ লক্ষ বাঙালীকে হিটলারের ইহুদী নিধনযজ্ঞের সময় থেকে সর্বঅধিক নৃশংসভাবে, ঘৃণাতম অপরাধীর মত, সর্বাধিক স্যাডিস্টিকভাবে হত্যা করা হয়েছে, তাদের অন্ততঃ কয়েকজনকে বাঁচানো যেত। সরকার এবং এ সমস্ত নৃশংস ঘটনাবলীর জন্য যারা দায়ী সেই সামরিক বাহিনীরই বহু উচ্চ পদস্থ কর্মকর্তার কাছে ধর্ষণ বেং সম্ভ্রম লুন্ঠনের যে সমস্ত কাহিনী আমি শুনেছি, এবং এ’গুলিকে আমি আন্তরিকভাবে সত্য বলেই বিশ্বাস করি - সেগুলি এমনই নিষ্ঠুর যে নাজীরাও তাদের অধিকৃত এলাকার ধ্বংসযজ্ঞে কখনও তেমন নিষ্ঠুরতা প্রদর্শন করেনি।’২। (দৈনিক মর্নিং নিউজ ২৮ নভেম্বর ’৭৩ )

সদ্য যুদ্ধে পরাস্ত, দেশের একটি অংশ হারিয়ে বিপর্যস্ত কোন জাতি, যা কিনা পরাজিত সেনা বাহিনীর দ্বারাই শাসিত হচ্ছে, তাদের সামনে ওই দেশেরই একজন শীর্ষস্থানীয় রাজনীতিকের এই বক্তব্যই সন্দেহাতীতভাবে প্রমান করে যে, বাংলাদেশে পাকিস্তানী বাহিনীর গণহত্যা ছিল বাঙালী জাতিসত্ত্বাকে সমূলে উৎপাটন করার লক্ষ্যে সুপরিকল্পিত এক ভয়াবহ ও নৃশংস হত্যাযজ্ঞ।
যদিও মানবতার বিরুদ্ধে বিভিন্ন স্থানে বিভিন্ন সময়ে পরিচালিত গণহত্যার অপরাধসমূহের আপেক্ষিক গুরুদ্ব নির্ণয় করা প্রায় অসম্ভব একটি ব্যাপার, তবু বাস্তব ঘটনার নিরিখে একথা বললে অত্যুক্তি হবেনা যে, বাংলাদেশে সংঘটিত গণহত্যা ছিল সাম্প্রতিককালে বিশ্বের অন্যান্য স্থানে সংঘটিত
গলহত্যা সমূহ যেমন, দ্বিতীয় মহাযুদ্ধে সংঘটিত গণহত্যা, ভিয়েতনামে সংঘটিত গণহত্যা ইত্যাদির চেয়েও আরও বেশী হৃদয় বিদারক এবং ধ্বংসাত্মক। পূর্ববর্তী গণহত্যাযজ্ঞর ঘটনা সমূহে একটি দেশের সমগ্র শিক্ষিত শ্রেণীকে পরিকল্পিতভাবে নির্মূল করে দেওয়ার চক্রান্ত সংঘটিত হয়েছিল বলে জানা যায় না, যা হয়েছিলা আমাদের দেশে। বাংলাদেশে বুদ্ধিজীবী হত্যার পর অভিযানে ’জেনোসাইড’ শব্দটির সাথে যুক্ত হয়েছিল নতুন একটি শব্দ, ’এলিটোসাইড’। মৃত মানুষের শরীর থেকে মাংস-অস্থি খুলে নিয়ে টুকরো টুকরো করে কেটে হাড়ের স্তুপ সাজানোর মত বর্ণনাতীত নৃশংসতা অন্য কোন দেশে প্রদর্শিত হয়েছে এমন দৃষ্টান্ত নেই। আলবদর বাহিনী গেস্টাপো বাহিনীর চেয়ে অনেক বেশী নৃশংসতা প্রদর্শন করেছে। শান্তি কমিটির সদস্যরা নিঃসন্দে হে নাজি পার্টির সদস্যদের কৃত অপরাধের তুল্য অপরাধই করেছে।

গণহত্যার অপরাধের বিচারের বিষয়টি আন্তর্জাতিক বিবেচনার বিষয় হওয়া সত্বেও এবং এই বিচারের সপক্ষে জাতিসংঘ, বিশ্ব শান্তি পরিষদ, এ্যামনেস্চি ইন্টারন্যাশনাল, আন্তর্জাতিক রেডক্রস ইত্যঅদি মানবাধিকার সংগঠন সমূহসহ সারা বিশ্বের জনমত সোচ্চার হলেও এদেশে যুদ্ধাপরাধী পাক সেনাদের বিচার হয়নি এবং তাদের সহায়তাকারী দালালদের বিচারের যে ব্যবস্থা করা হয়েছিল, অপরাধের প্রকৃতি ও গুরুত্বের বিচারে তা ছিল দুঃখজনক ভাবে অপ্রতুল।
গণহত্যার মতো অপরধের ক্ষমা হয় না কিংবা দেষীদের বিচারের সময়য়ও পেরিয়ে যায় না। দ্বিতীয় মহাযুদ্ধের সময় সংঘটিত গণহত্যার সাথে সংশ্লিষ্ট অপরাধীদের আজও বিচার করে শাস্তি দেওয়া হচ্ছে। আমাদের দেশের বাস্তব অবস্থার নিরিখে পাকিস্তানী যুদ্ধাপরাধী এবং এদেশীয় দালালদের যথাযথ বিচার করা বর্তমানে কিংবা ভবিষ্যতে হয়ত অত্যন্ত জটিল ও দুরুহ কাজ হবে কিন্তু জাতীয় ইতিহাসে পাকবাহিনীর দালালদের বিশ্বাসঘাতক হিসেবে চিহ্নিত করে রাখার কাজটি মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সামগ্রিক ইতিহাস রচনারই অবিচ্ছেদ্য অংশ। এছাড়া দালালদের চিহ্নিত করে এদের রাজনৈতিক পুনর্বাসনের প্রক্রিয়া স্তব্ধ করাও আমাদের দায়িত্ব।

মুক্তিযোদ্ধা সংহতি পরিষদ মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের তালিকা প্রণয়নের বিরোধিতা করেছে এবং পক্ষান্তরে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের বিরোধিতাকারীদের তালিকা প্রস্তুত করার দাবী জানিয়ে এসেছে। আমাদের বিশ্বাস এবং দায়িত্ববোধই একাত্তরের অপ্রকাশিত ইতিহাস সংকলন করে পর্যায়ক্রমে বিভিন্ন খন্ডে প্রকাশ করার প্রেরণা যুগিয়েছে। আমরা সকলের সহযোগিতা চাই।

Trishal Thana
296. Rajakar Md. Fazlul Haque Khan, Trishal
297. Rajakar Late Wazed Ali, Village-Trishal Charpara, Trishal
298. Rajakar Late Bhola Miah, Village-Kumaria, Trishal
299. Rajakar Late Abdul Motaleb, Trishal
300. Rajakar Hurmat Ali, Village-Chikna, Trishal
301. Rajakar Chan Miah, Village-Trishal Bazar, Trishal
302. Rajakar Osman Ali, Village-Trishal Bazar, Trishal
303. Rajakar Md. Adil Sarkar Chairman, Trishal
304. Rajakar Mohammad Anisur Rahman Manik, Village-Mandatia, Trishal
305. Rajakar Abdur Razzak, Village-Konabari, Trishal
306. Rajakar Altaf Ali, Village-Namapara, Trishal
307. Rajakar Haji Abdul Hai, Village-Trishal Ujanpara, Trishal
308. Rajakar Abdul Motaleb, Father-Late Hatem Ali Monsi, Village-Trishal Namapara, Trishal
309. Rajakar Abdul Wahab, Father-Late Abdus Samad Sarkar, Trishal
310. Rajakar Hasmot Ali, Father-Late Fajor Ali, Village-Charpara, Trishal
311. Rajakar Yeakub Ali, Father-Late Rajab Ali, Village-Charpara, Trishal
312. Rajakar Abdur Rashid, Father-Late Rustum Ali, Village-Charpara, Trishal
313. Rajakar Late Nawab Ali Sarkar, Village-Durgapur, Trishal
314. Rajakar Md. Ansar Ali, Village-Porabari, Trishal

Islampur Thana
315. *Mr. Nuruzzaman, Father-Mahmud Ali, Village-Gopalnagar, Thana-Islampur, Mymensingh.

Sreebordi Thana
316. *Mr. Mofizuddin Islam, Father-Munshi Mofizuddin, Village-Katih, Thana-Sreebordi, Mymensingh
Kalmakanda Thana
317. *Mr. Ali Osman, Father-Abbas Ali Fakir, Village-Khakin Ranigaon, Thana-Kalmakanda, Mymensingh
318. Rajakar Shajahan Chowdhury, Village-Rangsa, Sherpur Sadar
319. Rajakar Late Mojammel chowdhury, Village-Rangsa, Sherpur Sadar
320. Rajakar Late Prof. Abdus Sattar, Sherpur Government College
321. Rajakar Motiur Rahman, (Moti Chairman) Village-Nayaani Bazar, Sherpur Sadar
322. Rajakar Late Samedul Haque, Village-Narayanpur, Sherpur Sadar
323. Rajakar Late Joynal Abedin Moktar, Village-Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar
324. Rajakar Kamal typist, Father-Joynal Abedin, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar
325. Rajakar Adv. Shamsul Huda, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar
326. Rajakar Ali Azom Master, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar
327. Rajakar Adv. Amirnul Islam, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar
328. Rajakar Sayed Ahmed Chairman, Village-Chapatoli, Sherpur
329. Rajakar Late Nasiruddin Military, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar
330. Rajakar Late Sulfet Mojibur, Village- Kharampur, Sherpur Sadar
331. Rajakar Jiarot Ali Khan, Village-Surjadi, Sherpur
332. Rajakar Makbul Hossain, Nabinagar, Sherpur
333. Rajakar late Abdul Hamid Chairman, Village-Bajitkhila, Sherpur
334. Rajakar late Shakwat Hossain, Father-Afsar Uddin, Village-Raghunathpur, Sherpur
335. Rajakar Md. Abul Hossain Sarker, Village-Namahawra, Sherpur
336. Rajakar Jomsed Ali Member, Village-Hawra Bhotpara, Sherpur
337. Rajakar Eshaque Ali, Village-Shapari, Sherpur
338. Rajakar late Jonab Ali, Village-Tarakandi, Sherpur
339. Rajakar late Sokur Masud, Village-Tarakandi, Sherpur
340. Rajakar Mohejuddin Member, Village-Tarakandi, Sherpur
341. Rajakar Mobarak Hossain, Village-Gazirkhamar, Sherpur
342. Rajakar Mohejuddin Master, Village-Gazirveeta, Sherpur
343. Rajakar Md. Yead Ali Khan, Village-Surjadi, Sherpur
344. Rajakar Md. Abul Kashem, Village-Alinapara, Sherpur
345. Rajakar Md. Sohabaz Ali, Village-Alinapara, Sherpur
346. Rajakar Md. Joynal Miah, Village-Charsapmaree, Sherpur
347. Rajakar Md. Ishaque, Village-Charsapmaree, Sherpur
348. Rajakar Md. Sakwat Hossain, Village-Raghunathpur, Sherpur
349. Late. Samedul Haque, Sherpur, Rajakar & Peace Committee member
350. Rajakar Md. Abdur Rahman Haji, Father-Hasen Ali, Village-Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
351. Rajakar Akramuzzaman, Father-Hasen Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
352. Rajakar Abdul Malek, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
353. Rajakar Abdul Hannan, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
354. Rajakar Abdul Hai, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
355. Rajakar Abdul Barik, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
356. Rajakar Awal, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
357. Rajakar Habib Ullah, Father-Haji Shamsuddin (Sufi), Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
358. Rajakar Motaleb, Father-Haji Shamsuddin (Sufi), Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
359. Rajakar Abdullah, Father-Haji Shamsuddin (Sufi), Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
360. Rajakar Asadullah, Father-Kashem Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
361. Rajakar Abdur Razzak, Father-Meher Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
362. Rajakar Abdur Rezzak, Father-Abdul Kadir, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
363. Rajakar Siraj, Father- Khalilur Rahman, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
364. Rajakar Idris Ali, Father-Sayed Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
365. Rajakar Reazuddin, Father-Khalilur Rahman, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
366. Rajakar Mannan, Father-Najor Ali, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
367. Rajakar Rashid, Village- Gobindanagar, Nalitabari
368. Rajakar Noor Mohammad, Father-Abdul Hakim Doctor, Village-Sitpara, Nalitabari
369. Rajakar Husen Ali, Father-Ayenuddin Monsi, Village-Sitpara, Nalitabari
370. Rajakar Rahim, Father-Hamir Uddin, Village-Sitpara, Nalitabari
371. Rajakar Rajab Ali, Village-Sitpara, Nalitabari
372. Rajakar Salam, Father-Shorafat, Village-Mogania, Nalitabari
373. Rajakar Kadir, Father-Sayed Ali, Village-Mogania, Nalitabari
374. Rajakar Rashid, Village-Mogania, Nalitabari
375. Rajakar Isob Ali Monsi, Father- Joidhar Ali, Village-Mogania, Nalitabari
376. Rajakar Abul Bashar, Father- Abdul Aziz, Village-Kapashia, Nalitabari
377. Rajakar Malek, Father-Dibu Sheikh, Village-Bathurarkanda, Nalitabari
378. Rajakar Abdur Rahman, Village-Konnagar, Nalitabari
379. Rajakar Amir Ali, Father-Ahmmad Ali, Village-Ranigoan, Nalitabari
380. Rajakar Abu Bakar, Father-Ayenuddin, Village-Ranigoan, Nalitabari
381. Rajakar Jamal Uddin, Village-Kalinogar, Nalitabari
382. Rajakar Sobhan (Dudu), Father-Mohar Hazi, Village-Kalinogar, Nalitabari
383. Rajakar Hussen Ali, Father-Safur Uddin, Village-Kalinogar, Nalitabari
384. Rajakar Akitullah, Father-Hasen Ali, Village-Kalinogar, Nalitabari
385. Rajakar Hasen Ali (Kocha), Father-Saheb Ali, Village-Gorkanda, Nalitabari
386. Rajakar Hormuz Ali, Father-Nosar Dewani, Village-Baghber, Nalitabari
387. Rajakar Mohammad Ullah, Father-Ator Ali Monsi, Village-Shimultola, Nalitabari
388. Rajakar Nobi Hussaen, Father-Jamal Uddin, Village-Shimultola, Nalitabari
389. Rajakar Noora, Village-Chakpara, Nalitabari
390. Rajakar Rafizuddin Dewan, Father-Lalu Mridha, Nalitabari
391. Rajakar Ajgor Ali Khan, Father-Jonab Ali Khan, Nalitabari
392. Rajakar Shamsul Hauqe, Father-Omed Ali, Village- Gerapocha, Nalitabari
393. Rajakar Hasen Ali, Father-Badon Sheikh, Village-Shohagpur, Nalitabari
394. Rajakar Tofazzal, Father-Korban Ali, Village-Chakpara, Nalitabari
395. Rajakar Golam Mostafa, Father-Raisuddin Talukdar, Village-Shohagpur, Nalitabari
396. Rajakar Abdul Khaleque Master, Village-Ghakpara, Nalitabari
397. Rajakar Makbul Hossain, Father-Samad Ali, Village-Benupara, Nalitabari
398. Rajakar Rakib, Village-Bonkura, Nalitabari
399. Rajakar Kudrat Ali, Village-Bonkura, Nalitabari
400. Rajakar Osman Goni, Father-Toni Sheikh, Village-Nonni Uttar, Nalitabari
401. Rajakar Bishu Miah, Village-Barmari, Nalitabari
402. Rajakar Alep Uddin, Father-Rois Uddin, Village-Rajnagar, Nalitabari
403. Rajakar Makbul Hossain, Father-Kashem Ali, Village-Hatipagar, Nalitabari
404. Rajakar Kalu, Father-Safur Sarker, Village-Bogaichapur, Nalitabari
405. Rajakar Islam, Father-Safur Saker, Village-Bogaichapur, Nalitabari
406. Rajakar Safor Uddin, Father-Osan Sheikh, Village-Kendua, Nalitabari
407. Rajakar Tofazzal, Father-Sharafot Ali, Village-Nayabil, Nalitabari
408. Rajakar Kaiyum, Father-Motaleb Member, Village-Chandgaon, Nalitabari
409. Rajakar Mohir Uddin, Father-Kasum Sheikh, Village-Kenduapara, Nalitabari
410. Rajakar Ali, Father-Lilu, Village-Bogaichapara, Nalitabari
411. Rajakar Inatullah, Village-Bogaichapara, Nalitabari
412. Rajakar Siraj, Father-Amaullah Haji, Village-Taraganjbazar, Nalitabari
413. Rajakar Shohrab, Village-Barmari, Nalitabari
414. Rajakar Abdul Haque, Village-Nonniuttar, Nalitabari
415. Rajakar Ziar Uddin, Village-Bondadhara, Nalitabari
416. Rajakar Ahmmad Ali, Father-Shahar Ali, Village-Guzakura, Nalitabari
417. Rajakar Shohrab Ali, Father-Ahmmad Ali, Village-Bashkanda, Nalitabari
418. Rajakar Garo, Father-Basu, Village-Bashkanda, Nalitabari
419. Rajakar Moyoz Uddin, Father-Miraj Ali, Village-Morichpuran, Nalitabari
420. Rajakar Abdul Aziz, Father-Ayen Uddin, Village-Bhogairpar, Nalitabari
421. Rajakar Hazrat Ali, Father-Chabi Sheikh, Village-Bhogairpar, Nalitabari
422. Rajakar Suruz Ali, Father-Hazrat Ali, Village-Bhogairpar, Nalitabari
423. Rajakar Abdur Rahman, Nalitabari
424. Rajakar late Ajgor Ali, Nalitabari
425. Rajakar Abul Kashem Sharif, Village-Morichpuran, Nalitabari
426. Rajakar late Ahsan Ali, Nalitabari
427. Rajakar Delowar Hossain (Dilu), Village-Shohagpur, Nalitabari
428. Rajakar Nonda, Village-Bonpara, Jamalpur Sadar
429. Rajakar Yousuf Mastar, Head Master of Singherzani High School
430. Rajakar Prof. Abdul Gani, Village-Ikbalpur, Jamalpur
431. Rajakar Prof. Abdur Rob, Teacher of Ashek Mahmud College, Jamalpur
432. Rajakar Late Prof. Abdul Aziz, Teacher of Ashek Mahmud College, Jamalpur
433. Rajakar Late Amezuddin Chairman, Village-Fulbaria Station Road, Jamalpur
434. Rajakar Chan Miah, Village-Kacharipara, Jamalpur
435. Rajakar Soleman, Village-Kacharipara, Jamalpur
436. Rajakar late Hanu Moulobi, Village-Palisha, Jamalpur
437. Rajakar Nurul Haque Master, Father-late Moyen Uddin Mondal, Village-Jongalpara, Jamalpur
438. Rajakar Kazi Abdur Rahim, Village-Beltia, Jamalpur
439. *Mr. M A Gani, Father-Late Hazi Sekandar Ali, Village-Iqbalpur, Thana-Jamalpur Sadar, Jamalpur
Netrokona District
Netrokona Sadar Thana
440. Rajakar Moulana Manjorul Haque, Netrokona Sadar
441. Rajakar Khorshed Ali Chowdhury, Netrokona Sadar
442. Rajakar Moulana Fazlul Karim, Netrokona Sadar
443. Rajakar Moulana Abdul Khaleque Master, Village-Kunia, Netrokona Sadar
444. Rajakar Dr. Abdur Rezzak, Village-Sutarpur, Netrokona Sadar
445. Rajakar Khorshed Ali, Village-Sonajur, Netrokona Sadar
446. Rajakar Late Nurul Amin Master, Netrokona Sadar
447. Rajakar Farukh Ahmed, Netrokona Sadar
448. Rajakar Reazuddin Chairman, Village-Bali, Netrokona Sadar
449. Rajakar Amir Ali Khan Pathan, Netrokona Sadar
450. Rajakar Noab Ali Akand, Netrokona Sadar
451. Rajakar Nabalak Miah, Village-Madanpur, Netrokona Sadar
452. Rajakar Late Asimuddin Sheikh, Netrokona Sadar
453. Rajakar Sheikh Nazmul Hossain, Netrokona Sadar
454. Rajakar Late Moula Miah, Azhar Road, Netrokona Sadar
Atpara Thana
455. Rajakar Manjorul Haque, Village-Bugapara, Thana- Atpara
456. Rajakar Late Abdul Hakim Talukder, Village-Ghagra, Thana- Atpara
457. Rajakar Nannu Miah, Village-Goatla, Thana- Atpara
458. Rajakar Nazmul Sheikh, Village-Ekor Atia, Thana- Atpara
459. Rajakar Obaydul Haque Taher, Village-Bugapara, Thana- Atpara
460. Rajakar Habibur Rahman Bhuiyan, Village-Sunoi, Thana- Atpara
Barhatta Thana
461. Rajakar Muslem, Thana-Barhatta
462. Rajakar Tota, Thana-Barhatta
463. Rajakar Badsha, Thana-Barhatta
464. Rajakar Abdur Rezzak, Village-Alokdia, Thana-Barhatta
465. Rajakar Dudu Miah, Village-Alokdia, Thana-Barhatta
466. Rajakar late Aftab Uddin, Village-Salipur, Thana-Barhatta
467. Rajakar Abbas Ali Khan, Village-Koilati, Thana-Barhatta
468. Rajakar Chowdhury Daroga, Village- Koilati, Thana-Barhatta
469. Rajakar Abdul Malek Master, Village- Koilati, Thana-Barhatta
470. Rajakar Zahed Imam, Village-Chandrapur, Thana-Barhatta
Kalmakanda Thana
471. Rajakar Mofazzol Hossain Khan, Village-Satrongpur, Thana Kalmakanda
472. Rajakar Shuruz Miah, Village-Barokaton, Thana-Kalmakanda
473. Rajakar Shamsul Huda Pathan, Village-Rongsati, Thana-Kalmakanda
474. Rajakar Shamsul Huda, Village-Rahimpur, Thana-Kalmakanda
475. Rajakar Abdul Ali, Village-Bimara, Thana-Kalmakanda
476. Rajakar Late Abdul Khaleque, Village-Choita, Thana-Kalmakanda
477. Rajakar Abdul Jalil, Village-Chikarpuri, Thana-almakanda
478. Rajakar late Abdul Ali, Village-Bishara, Thana-Kalmakanda
Purbadhala Thana
479. Rajakar Bashir Akond, Thana-Purbadhala
480. Rajakar Shraf Uddin, Thana-Purbadhala
481. Rajakar Abdul Mannan Kulu, Thana-Purbadhala
482. Rajakar Moulana Fazlul Haque, Village-Khalishapur, Thana-Purbadhala
483. Rajakar Moulana Ahmed Ali, Village-Dampara, Thana-Purbadhala
484. Rajakar Adom Ali Mir, Village-Hogla, Thana-Purbadhala

Kendua Thana
485. Rajakar Anju, Thana-Kendua
486. Rajakar Chamak Ali, Village-Harulia, Thana-Kendua
487. Rajakar Matiur Rahman, Village-Maska, Thana-Kendua
488. Rajakar Head Master Sadeque Miah, Thana-Kendua
489. Rajakar late Kala Miah Chairman, Vilage-Pijahati, Thana-Kendua
490. Rajakar late Nuru Master, Village-Kawrad, Thana-Kendua
491. Rajakar late Badal Miah, Village-Kandiura, Thana-Kendua
492. Rajakar Md. Joynal Miah, Village-Kandiura, Thana-Kendua
493. Rajakar Abdul Wadud Khan, Village-Kalomati, Thana-Kendua
494. Rajakar Late Jong Bahadur Dofader, Village-Nolla, Thana-Kendua
495. Late Khoka, Village-Silampur, Thana-Kendua, Netrokona, Rajakar & Peace Committee member
496. Anju, Village-Ghagra, Thana-Kendua, Netrokona, Rajakar & Peace Committee member
District: Netrokona
Mohanganj Thana
497. Rajakar Abdul Khaleuqe, Village-Panur, Thana- Mohanganj
498. Rajakar Lal Hossain, Village- Dewkhan, Thana- Mohanganj
499. Rajakar late Sonamdi Khan, Village Baham, Thana- Mohanganj
500. Rajakar Abdul Aziz Nayeb, Village-Manshri, Thana- Mohanganj
501. Rajakar Soruj Ali Khan Pathan, Thana- Mohanganj
502. Rajakar Abdul Hai (Kari Miah), Village-Makhan, Thana- Mohanganj
503. Rajakar Mahtab Uddin, Thana- Mohanganj
504. Rajakar Ibrahim, Village-Dewkhan, Thana- Mohanganj
505. Rajakar Late Habibur Rahman Samrat, Village-Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj
506. Rajakar Late Abdul Khaleque, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj
507. Rajakar Late Chan Miah, Villlage-Majan, Thana- Mohanganj
508. Rajakar Late Karim Newaz Khan, Village-Panur, Thana- Mohanganj
509. Rajakar Chonnu Miah, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj
510. Rajakar Nazrul Sheikh, Thana- Mohanganj
511. Rajakar Nazrul Islam, Village-Manshri, Thana- Mohanganj
512. Rajakar Rabiullah, Village-Manshri, Thana- Mohanganj
513. Rajakar Golam Robbani Khan Pathan, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj
514. Rajakar Saddu Miah, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj
515. Rajakar Abdus Sattar, Village-Gharmoshri, Thana- Mohanganj
516. Rajakar Ashraf Ali Chowdhury, Village-Gharmoshri, Thana- Mohanganj
517. Rajakar late Abdur Rezzak, Village-Alokdia, Thana- Mohanganj
518. Rajakar Late Gias Uddin, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj
519. Rajakar Mahtab Uddin Ahmed, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj
520. Rajakar Amjad Miah, Village- Barokashia, Thana- Mohanganj
521. Rajakar Soab Uddin Chairman, Village-Mahsudpur, Thana- Mohanganj
522. Abul Hossain Sheikh, Thana-Mohanganj, Netrokona, Rajakar & Peace Committee member
523. Mahtabuddin, Village-Barokashi, Thana-Mohanganj, Netrokona, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

Durgapur Thana
524. Rajakar Kitab Ali Talukder, Village-Gujirkona, Thana- Durgapur
525. Rajakar late Alkas Ali Mondal, Village-Gujirkona, Thana- Durgapur
526. Rajakar Amsor Member, Village-Jagirpara, Thana- Durgapur
527. RajakarMokther Mohiuddin Mridha, Thana- Durgapur
528. Rajakar Abdul Khaleque, Thana- Durgapur
529. Rajakar Idris Miah, Thana- Durgapur
530. Rajakar late Joynal Miah, Thana- Durgapur
531. Rajakar late Shamsu Member, Village-Purakandulia, Thana- Durgapur
532. Rajakar late Protik Ali Chairman, Thana- Durgapur
533. Rajakar Abdur Rashid, Village-Purakandulia, Thana- Durgapur
534. Rajakar Moulana Ahsan Ali, Village-Khalishapur, Thana- Durgapur
535. Rajakar Ahmed Talukder, Village-Jaria, Thana- Durgapur
536. Rajakar Kobaduzzaman Khan (Helo Miah) Village-Jaria, Thana- Durgapur
537. Rajakar Pinu Bhuiyan, Thana- Durgapur
538. Rajakar Runu Bhuiyan, Village-Jhanjail, Thana- Durgapur
539. Rajakar Mohiuddin Mridha, Thana- Durgapur
540. Rajakar Idris Chairman, Thana- Durgapur

Madan Thana
541. Rajakar Abdul Jabbar, Village-Changoan, Thana- Madan
542. Rajakar Abdul Malek, Villag + Thana- Madan
543. Rajakar Abdul Barek, Village + Thana- Madan
544. Rajakar Md. Abdul Motaleb, Village-Balai, Thana- Madan
545. Rajakar Shamsul Huda, Thana- Madan
546. Rajakar Md. Abdus Sobhan, Thana- Madan
547. Rajakar Hedayet Ullah BSC (Anju Moulana), Village-Kulshri, Thana- Madan

District: Kishoreganj
548. Rajakar Abdul Monayem Khan, Village-Homaipur, Thana-Bajitpur
549. Rajakar Moulana Atahar Ali, (Sylheti)
550. Rajakar Moulana Ataur Rahman Khan, Father-Moulana Ahmed Ali Khan, Kishoreganj Sadar
551. Rajakar Musa, Thana-Bajitpur
552. Rajakar Prof. Mahtab Uddin, (Gurudawal College) Joshodal, Kishoreganj Sadar
553. Rajakar Abul Hashim, son of Mofiz Haji, Village-Chiknirchar, Kishoreganj Sadar
554. Rajakar late Dulal, Village-Kariai, Kishoreganj Sadar
555. Rajakar Shamsuddin, Village-Bashhati, Kishoreganj Sadar
556. Rajakar Jalal, Father-Abdus Sobhan, Village-Norda, Kishoreganj Sadar
557. Rajakar Abul Hossain, Village-Norda, Kishoreganj Sadar
558. Rajakar Mofij Uddin, Village-Sholakia, Kishoreganj Sadar
559. Rajakar late Abdul Mannan, Father- Haji Mahmud Nobi, Village-Kalikabari, Kishoreganj Sadar
560. Rajakar Moulana Abdul Hamid (Ex Super) Village-Noahat, Kishoreganj Sadar
561. Rajakar Moulana Abdul Khaleque, Village-Kazirgoan, Kishoreganj Sadar
562. Rajakar Moulana Montazuddin, Village-Kazirgoan, Kishoreganj Sadar
563. Rajakar Moulana Adom Ali, Village-Kazirgoan, Kishoreganj Sadar
564. Rajakar Moulana Yousuf Ali, Village-Choddosato, Kishoreganj Sadar
565. Rajakar Moulana Yeahia, Village-Tutiarchar, Kishoreganj Sadar
566. Rajakar late Moulana Sirajuddin, Village- Choddosato, Kishoreganj Sadar
567. Rajakar Gias Uddin, Village-Kolapara, Kishoreganj Sadar
568. Rajakar Rostum Ali, Father- Medor, Village-Ghaghat, Kishoreganj Sadar
569. Rajakar Moulana Abdul Mannan, Village- Ghondar, thana- Kishoreganj
570. Rajakar Arman, Village-Sholakia, Kishoreganj Sadar
571. Rajakar Lokman Moulbi, Village-Gharampatti, Kishoreganj Sadar
572. Rajakar Mugal Miah, Village-Mohindar, Kishoreganj Sadar
573. Rajakar late Akkas Ali, Village-Mohindar, Kishoreganj Sadar
574. Rajakar Kasu, Village-Mohindar, Kishoreganj Sadar
575. Rajakar late Abdul Maleque, Father- Asok Ali, Village-Kolapara, Kishoreganj Sadar
576. Rajakar Juro Miah, Village-Kasurarchar, Kishoreganj Sadar
577. Rajakar Nurul Islam, Village-Mohindar, Kishoreganj Sadar
578. Rajakar late Abdur Jabbar Member, Village-Melabazar, Kishoreganj Sadar
579. Rajakar Mahtab Driver, Village-Sholakia, Kishoreganj Sadar
580. Rajakar Abdur Rahman, Father-late Amir Hossain, Village-Birdhampara, Kishoreganj Sadar
581. Rajakar Iman Hossain, Village-Madhunagar, Kishoreganj Sadar
582. Rajakar Omar Ali, Kishoreganj Sadar
583. Rajakar Omed Ali, Kishoreganj Sadar
584. Rajakar Moulana Moslemuddin, Kishoreganj Sadar
585. Menu Chairman, Village-Chiknirchar, Kishoreganj, Rajakar & Peace Committee member
586. Mahtabuddin Chairman, Village-Kolapara, Kishoreganj, Rajakar & Peace Committee member
587. Abdur Rahman Sarker, Village-Joshodal, Kishoreganj, Rajakar & Peace Committee member

Karimganj Thana
588. *Mr. Syed Lokeman Hakim, Father-Amiruddin, Village-Kairat, Thana-Karimganj, Kishoreganj

Bhairab Thana
589. *Mr. Mujibur Rahman, Father-Hazi Hossain Ali, Village-Chandibar, Thana-Bhairab, Kishoreganj

District: Faridpur
590. Rajakar Dr. Kazi Emdadul Haque, Village-Hamidi, Thana-Bhanga, Faridpur
591. Rajakar Abul Kalam Azad Bachchu
592. Rajakar Alauddin
593. Rajakar Afzaluddin
594. Rajakar Adv. Moez Uddin
595. Rajakar Musa-bin-Shamser
596. Rajakar Khidir Khan
597. Rajakar Nannu
598. Rajakar Badu
599. Rajakar Binoy
600. Rajakar Chando
601. Rajakar Kana Hasi
602. Rajakar Khokon, Nogarkanda, Faridpur
603. *Mr. Saifur Rahman, Father-Nowabjada Lutifur Rahman, Village-Rajam, Thana-Boalmari, Faridpur
604. *Mr. Rastum Ali Khan, Father-Baser Ali Khan, Village-Maslandpur, Thana-Boalmari, Faridpur
605. *Mr. Syed Md. Ali, Father-Late Saiyid Abu Sayed, Village-Chahaiani Khardia, Thana-Nagarkanda, Faridpur

District: Madaripur
606. Rajakar Khalil Jomadder
607. Rajakar Babul
608. Rajakar Nannu
609. Rajakar Shahed Ali
610. Rajakar Advocate Nannu
611. Rajakar Pappu
612. Rajakar Abdul Khaleque
613. Rajakar Hayder Mollah
614. Rajakar Mozaffer Baksh Mollah
615. Rajakar Madar Baksh Mollah
616. Rajakar Abu Taleb

District: Shariatpur
617. Rajakar Joynal Bhuiyan

Zanjira Thana
618. *Mr. Qazi Mokhlesur Rahman, Father-Late Qazi Naziruddin, Village-Uttar Kabilnagar, Thana-Zanjira,
Shariyatpur Thana
619. *Mr. Shamsur Rahman, Father-Late Alfazruddin, Howladar, Village-Chabbishpara, Thana-Zanjira, Shariyatpur
620. *Mr. Tafazzal Hossain, Father-Moulovi Abdul Hamid, Village-Gopalpur, Thana-Zanjira, Shariyatpur

Bhedarganj Thana
621. *Mr. Md. Soleman Ukil, Father-Hazi Meser Ali Munshi, Village-Mazi Kandi, Thana-Bhedarganj, Shariyatpur

District: Rajbari
622. *Mr. Syed Kamal, alias Khamar, Father-Syed Hafiz, Benodpur Town Rajbari, Thana-Rajbari, Rajbari

Disctrict: Gopalganj
623. Rajakar Ohiduzzaman, Tungipara, Gopalganj
624. Rajakar Kafu miah, Tungipara, Gopalganj
625. Rajakar Lal Miah, Tungipara, Gopalganj
626. Rajakar Raton Miah, Tungipara, Gopalganj
627. Rajakar Hemayet, Tungipara, Gopalganj
628. Rajakar Abdur Rab, Tungipara, Gopalganj
629. Rajakar Moni Miah, Tongipara, Gopalganj
630. Rajakar Aroj, Tongipara, Gopalganj
631. *Mr. Wahiduzzaman, alias Thanda Miah, Father-Late Abdul Quader, Village-Gopalganj Town, Thana-Gopalganj, Gopalganj

In the year of 1953 I came to this beautiful world while violent storm was shivering mother earth. In the month of April on the 13th which happened to be a Tuesday, I cried for the first time on my mothers’ lap and all my relatives rejoiced. It was an occasion of double happiness because my birth brought the long happy New Year along with it.This is Mukthi, Mukthishena71, somebody called me Mokter, some one mothul, but in 1971 I have changed my name when I have joined the Liberation war as a freedom fighter. The freedom fighter of Bangladesh liberation war called Mukthi bahini / Mukthifouze / Mukthishena, just I have found the new name so no one can call me others name which is not perfect and didn’t like. I became Mukthi, Moktel Hossain Mukthi. I’m from South Akal Barish Village, Banshgadi Union under Kalkini UpaZila of Madaripur district.Basically I have sang tagore songs in the media. Sometimes composing the music and lyricist I couldn’t anything in my life. Neither had I done anything for the people nor for my family due to my abnormality in 1975 august. Whereas, I got so many opportunity/ chances in my life that I couldn’t proper used for the people whom I loved so much. I loved father of nation Bangabandhu we couldn’t safe him & his family in 1975 being a freedom fighter that was one kind of burning fire on my heartiest c

I have cried a lot on the streets in 1975 for Bangabandhu even I was on the streets until midnight as a mad (I was in then PG Hospital under treatment of Dr. Hazera Mahtab (daughter of Late Dr. Ibrahim & wife of Dr. Fashiuddin Mahtab ) three months. the Ministry of Land allowed my job without pay of there months salary due to my abnormality.After liberation father of nation Bangabandhu & first Prime Minister of Bangladesh Late tajuddin Ahmed had given me a job in the ministry of land in 1972.  I have worked with 11 Ministers & 9 full secretary including Abu Taher (Bangabandhu was selected him for Governor of Dhaka Division) M. Mokammel Huq, M. Keramat ALi, Golam Mostofa, jamsher Uddin Dr. Kamal Uddin Siddiqui, Md, Shahidul Alam and other so many.  It is my great pleasure that I have worked with late abdur rob serniabat, Mollah Jalal, Sri Fonibhushon Majumdar, demoted Minister Mohamed Ullah (few days President of Bangladesh)

I have beaten the police officer at Tejgaon Rail line in 1976 in absence of mind than finally central jail. The police beaten me whole night’s even put hot water to my face. Do you know why I have beaten that police officer?  Yes, which I want to tell you that police sub inspector used slang and foul language to father of nation Shahid Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, sheikh kamal, sheikh jamal and sheikh fazlul haque moni at that midnight while I was coming from FDC Studio. After 14 days my elder brother took out me from the custody and finally PG Hospital for mental treatment. Dr. said its not mental case, just keep him as he as wants to do.

Second thing: I was in Japan in 1992. On e day I have participated 21 February program which was arranged by Bangladesh Embassy of Tokyo, Japan. The program will be inaugurated by the Deputy High Commissioner Bangabandhu murderer Lt. Col. Rashed Choudhury instead of the High Commissioner. The ex student leader Md. Kofiluddin, Akbor, Prince, mezbah, Apu sarwar will not allow Rashed Choudhury to touch the national and black mourn flags. They made rally to protect him from the inauguration program and I was one of them to protest & postpone entire program and if killer Rashed Choudhury inaugurate the program we will not perform at the same program. High Commission called police nearby 5 hundreds of police surround us. Police commissioner came and spokes all of us, than he realized the real situation.  That was an ideals decision by all of us.  

The empty ground of Bengali nation will never be fulfilling without Shahid Bangabandhu & Late 4 National Leaders. I am writing the song of remembrances those heroes given the independence of Bengali nation & singing on occasionally. It is my great pleasure that I was closed to them all in 1972-1975 august 15.More interesting some of story I’d like to tell you. Later on I was PS to Md. Noor Ali, Chairmen & Managing Director, Unique Group (1997-2001). Noor Ali was nominated by Awami League in 2001 for Nawabganj constituency. Late Agricultural Economist Shankar Goswami, President Bangladesh Student League (former APS to HPM AFM Bahauddin Nasim was the Secretary General of NASIM GOSWAMI COUNCIL) was political secretary. Shankar and I lead the entire election campaign at Nawabganj in 2001. I have written 10 songs for that election and published an album in favor of BOATS & NOOR ALI. You know 2001 National Assembly Election was engineering by the army and CIA PISI so Awami league failure to get the power.

Thereafter, it was very sad heart paining story.  Some of miscreants suddenly had attacked to Unique Group to heats NOOR ALI but he was in out only they found some of staffs and me. They hits me, kicks me as the human people some times beating the animals. They took my hair from my foreheads’. I apologized for my campaign, album & supporting Awami league. I said forgive me, I beg pardon as a freedom fighter to them. Leave me the country, I will never come and never sing any songs of Bangabandhu & Awami league. Everything i have reported to present Finance Minister and other but no response properly and those miscreants had hurt me still their in Gulshan Banani area. Being a freedom fighter I want justice. I want a major punishment of OC Nassir who was in Gulshan PS in 2002. Still I don't know is he in job or not? 

No more dear friends ……………  

The memorial music album of Bangabandhu “mukthir gaan” 1 2 & 3 you may listen on

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দূরের এবং কাছের, দেশে এবং দেশের বাইরের সকল বাংলা ভাষাভাষী ভাই বোনদের জানাই মুজিবীয় সুভেচ্ছা এবং  সকল শহীদদের প্রতি জ্ঞাপন করছি গভীর শ্রদ্ধা । স্বরণ  করছি অকুন্ঠ শ্রদ্ধাভরে জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধু ও তাঁর পরিবারের সকল শহীদদের । যে একবার যায় সে আর ফিরে না, এইতো বিধির অমোঘ নিয়ম। বাঙ্গালী জাতি যে সোনার মানুষটিকে হারিয়েছে এবং ১৯৭৫ সালের ১৫ই অগাস্ট গুটিকয়েক বন্দুকধারী বিপথগামী কুজন্মা কুলাঙ্গার এই বিশ্বকাপানো বিশ্বনেতাকে রাতের অন্ধকারে কাপুরুষের মত স্বপরিবারে হত্যার মাধ্যমে স্বাধীনতার লাল সবুজের পতাকায় আবার চন্দ্রবিন্দু (চাঁদ তারা) বসানোর হীন চক্রান্তে লিপ্ত হয়েছিলো। ওরা এখনো গোটা দেশের অভ্যন্তরে গ্রামে গঞ্জে আস্তানা গেড়ে আছে ধর্মের নামে, ইসলামের নামে, ধর্মীয় শিক্ষার নামে এবং ওদেরকে যারা প্রত্যক্ষ এবং পরোক্ষভাবে আর্থিক সহায়তাসহ সার্বিক পরিচালনা করছে, তাদের কেউ না কেউ, কোনো না কোনোভাবে আওয়ামী লীগের ভিতরেও প্রবেশ করতে পেরেছে।  ইসলামের ইতিহাসের সাথে বাংলাদেশের ইতিহাসের এক অপূর্ব মিল। দেশ স্বাধীন করলো আওয়ামী লীগের নেতৃত্বে মুক্তিযোদ্ধারা আর মাত্র তিন বছর পর 1975 সালে ক্ষমতা দখল করলো দেশের স্বাধীনতা-বিরোধীরা। বাংলাদেশ জাতীর পিতাসহ কয়েক হাজার বীর মুক্তিযোদ্ধাকে ফাঁসী দিয়ে হত্যা করা হল। পাকি দালাল শাহ আজিজ হল প্রধানমন্ত্রী। কুখ্যাত সব পাকি দালালরা সামরিক ও বেসামরিক পদ দখল করলো। চেষ্টা করলো আমাদের বাংলাদেশকে মিনি- পাকিস্তান বানানোর অপচেষ্টা।

জাতিরজনকের স্বপ্ন ও আদর্শ বাস্তবায়ণের ক্ষেত্রে ঠিক বঙ্গবন্ধুর মতো একই উদার নীতির বিপক্ষে কিছু কথা বলার জন্যই এ লেখা শুরু করেছি। হয়তো বুঝিনা, অথবা না বুঝেই পোদ্দারপট্টির অথর্ব প্রফুল্ল পোদ্দারের মতো দোকানে কোনো কাষ্টমার না থাকলে যেমন বিড় বিড় করত, ঠিক তেমনি কিছুক্ষণ বিড় বিড় করে ঘুমিয়ে পরবো । আমরা হচ্ছি ছাগলের তিন নম্বর। বাচ্ছা শব্দটি আর লিখলাম না। কারণ নেতানেত্রীগণ আমাদের যতোই বাচ্ছা বলে এড়িয়ে যাকনা কেনো আমরা আর বাচ্ছা নই, শুধু তাই নয়, আমাদের বাচ্ছারাও এখন মূখ ফুটে তাদের মনের কথা বলতে শিখেছে। আমাদের আগামী প্রজন্ম আমাদের পূর্বসূরিদের চেয়ে অনেক সতর্ক ও স্বচেতন মেধার অধিকারী ।এই প্রজন্মের শিশু কিশোরদের মেধা, প্রজ্ঞা আর মানসিক উৎকর্ষতার কাছে আমরা অতিশয় দুর্বল।

জাতিরজনকের ঔদার্য মহানুভবতা এবং অতি কোমল সহজ সরল মন মানসিকতাই তাঁর জীবনের এবং পরিবারের কাল হয়ে পৃথিবী থেকে তাঁকে অকালে সরিয়ে দিয়েছে। বঙ্গবন্ধুর “সবুজ বিপ্লব” তথা “বাকসাল” বাস্তবায়ণ হলে আজ এ দেশ এবং এ দেশের অর্থনৈতিক অবকাঠকামো হতো দখিন এশিয়ার মধ্যে সব চেয়ে উন্নত । বঙ্গবন্ধু দেশ জাতি এবং শোষিত জনগোষ্ঠীর কথা ভাববার অবসরে কখনো নিজের জীবনের নিরাপত্তার কথা, সন্তান সন্ততির অদূর ভবিষ্যতের কথা ভাববার অবকাশ পাননি। এমনও দিন গেছে সারা দিন গ্রামের পর গ্রাম পায়ে হেঁটে কর্মীদের সাথে, নেতানেত্রীদের সাথে দলীয় মিটিং সভা সমাবেশ করে করে সারাটি দিন অতিবাহিত করার পর সন্ধ্যা ঘনিয়ে এলে কেউ বলে দিতেন, মুজিব ভাই, আমরাতো কিছু খাইনি আজ? যে ব্যক্তি নিজের ক্ষুধার কথা ভুলে যায় বাংলার শোষিত লাঞ্ছিত বঞ্চিত মেহনতি জনগোষ্ঠীর জন্য, সে মহান নেতা নিজের জীবনের নিরাপত্তার কথা ভাববার অবকাশ পেয়েও ভাবেননি। বঙ্গবন্ধুর সাথে ওই একই রাতে নিহত কর্নেল শওকত জামিলের স্ত্রীর কাছ থেকে জানা গেলো আরো কত নানান রকম ইতিহাস। বঙ্গবন্ধু ভেবেছেন এইতো জীবন যেমন চলছে সাদা মাটা নিত্য নৈমিত্তিক অন্য আর দশজন বাঙ্গালীর মতোই। আমাদের ভাগ্য ভালো যে ১৯৭৫ সালে জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনা ও শেখ রেহানা বাংলাদেশে ছিলেন না।    

জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনার দেহে বইছে জাতিরজনকের রক্তকণিকা । তিনিও দেখেছি  কারো কোনো  অতীব হৃদয় বিদারক করুণ ইতিহাস, ঘটনা বা কারো দুঃখ বেদনার বর্ণনা শুনে অবোধ বালিকার মতো চোখ মুছতে থাকেন। কাজেই স্বভাবজাত বাঙ্গালীর কন্যা বঙ্গ বন্ধুর কন্যা শেখ হাসিনাও বঙ্গবন্ধুর মতোই আবেগপ্রবণ এবং অতিশয় দুয়াবান। ‘এই আবেগ অনুভূতি আর দয়াশীল মনোবৃত্তিই নেত্রীত্বের ব্যক্তিত্ত্বকে প্রশাসকের আসনে দুর্বল করে ফেলে’। বড় অন্যায় অপরাধের ক্ষেত্রেও বজ্র কঠিন সিদ্ধান্ত নিতে পারেন না।

জাতিরজনককে হত্যার পর ওরা মেতে ওঠেছে শেখ হাসিনা ও শেখ রেহানাকে হত্যার উন্মাদনায়। স্বাধীনতা বিরোধী এই খুনী মোস্তাকের অংশটি একত্রিত হয়েছে আল বদর আল শামস আর রাজাকার, পাকিস্তানের আইসিআই, আমেরিকান সিআইএ'র সাথে । বাংলাদেশে শেখ হাসিনাকে হত্যার নীল নকশা অংকন করেছে সাকা, বাবর, হারিস, সাঈদী, মুজাহিদ, নিজামী, কামাল হোসেন, চিশতী, ব্যারিষ্টার মঈনুল,  মেজর মতিন এবং ঘসেটি বেগম খালেদা জিয়া স্বয়ং । রাখে আল্লাহ মারে কে? মাঝ খান থেকে জাতি হারালো আই ভি রহমানের মত দেশপ্রেমিকাকে। আমরা হারালাম কতগুলো নিবেদিত দেশপ্রেমিক নেতানেত্রী । কতশত কর্মী ভক্ত সমর্থক অকালে পংগু হলো ২১ আগস্ট গগনবিদারী গ্রেনেড হামলায়।  শেখ হাসিনার কানে দেখা দিয়েছে শব্দতগ সমস্যা কিন্তু এবারের মত বেঁচে গিয়েছে বাঙ্গালী জাতিরজনকের জেষ্ঠ্যকণ্যা শেখ হাসিনা । যদি আমরা শেখ হাসিনাকে ওই দিন হারাতাম, আজ বাংলার ইতিহাস হতো অন্য রকম। হায়েনার কালো থাবা থেকে ২১ আগস্ট অবধারিত মৃত্যুর হাত থেকে  আল্লাহ্‌ তায়া'লা তাঁকে রক্ষা করেছেন। যুগে যুগে হিংস্র নরপশু নর ঘাতক, হিংস্র দানব দলে দলে আসবে, যাবে আর এরই মাঝে সতর্কতার সাথে বাঙ্গালী জাতিকে আগিয়ে যেতে হবে।

শেখ হাসিনা আমাদের চেয়ে ভালো করেই জানেন যে তাঁর শত্রু জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধুর চেয়েও ভয়ানক, হিংস্র এবং শক্তিশালী। ২১ অগাস্টই তার জলন্ত প্রমান । একথা নেত্রী তাঁর বক্তব্যে অনেক মঞ্চেই উল্লেখ্য করেছেন। তারপরেও কোনো একটি আশঙ্কা আমাদের মনকে বিচলিত করে, দুশ্চিন্তার পোকাগুলো কিলবিল করে, নাড়া দেয়। কি জানি কি হয়, যদি নিরাপত্তার ক্ষেত্রে ঢিল পড়ে যায়? যদি কোনো মীর জাফর কোথাও লুকিয়ে থেকে থাকে? কে ওদেরকে খুঁজে বেড় করবে প্রধানমন্ত্রীর দফতর থেকে অথবা সচিবালয়ের অফিস থেকে? 

লিমন প্রসঙ্গ 

পারে কারো কোনো ব্যক্তিগত  স্বার্থ উদ্ধার ও হাসিলের জন্যে র‍্যাবকে অর্থ দিয়ে এ কাজ করানো হয়েছে, হতে পারে লিমন সন্ত্রাসী নয়, হতে পারে সবই। যে দেশে ৩০ লক্ষ মানুষ হত্যার দায়ে ফাঁসীর বদলে মন্ত্রীত্ব উপহার দেয়া হতে পারে, যে দেশে স্বাধীনতার মহানায়ক/স্থপতিকে স্বপরিবারে হত্যা করার পরে ওই মধ্যযূগীয় বর্বরতার বিরুদ্ধে কোনো মামলা করার পথ সাংবিধানিকভাবে রুদ্ধ করা হয়, সে দেশে সামান্য অস্ত্রধারী র‍্যাবের দ্বারা অনেক কিছুই সম্ভব। যে দেশে সেনাবাহিনী যখন যাকে খুশী খুন করে বলেঃ "আমিই দেশের রাজা, আমিই সেনাপতি" সে দেশে লিমনের মতো একটি সাধারণ কলেজ পড়ুয়া ছেলেকে র‍্যাব উদ্দেশ্যপ্রণোদিতভাবে যে কোনো অজুহাতে পঙ্গু করে দেয়াটা অতীব ক্ষুদ্র বলে আমি মনে করি।  

বিষয়টি গুরুত্ব পেলো কেনো? কারন, আওয়ামী লীগের গায়ে অনেক দুর্গন্ধ তাই।  বিগত ২০০১ থেকে ২০০৬ পর্যন্ত বিএনপি জামাতের সীমাহীন দুর্নীতি, লুন্ঠন, হত্যা, ধর্ষণ, সন্ত্রাস আর অরাজকতার বিরুদ্ধে এই মিডিয়া কখনই মূখ খুলেনি কেনো? বাংলাদেশে ক্রসফায়ার কোন সরকারের আমল থেকে প্রবর্তিত হয়েছে?  এ কথা মিডিয়ার পা'চাটা অর্থ লিপ্সু লোভী সাংবাদিকদের মনে করিয়ে দিতে হবে।  এখানে একটি কথা আবারো বলতে চাই, মনে রাখবেন, আওয়ামী লীগ ক্ষমতায় বলেই র‍্যাবের সকল ইউনিট/সদস্য নৌকায় ভোট দিয়েছে এ কথা ভিত্তিহীন এবং হাস্যকর। ৭৫ থেকে ২০০৬ পর্যন্ত কত হাজার সেনা সদস্য/অফিসার, বিডিআর সদস্য/অফিসার, পুলিশ সদস্য/অফিসার আওয়ামী লীগ নিয়োগ দিয়েছে? পরিসংখ্যানে দেখা যাবে দু'দুবার আঃলীগ ক্ষমতায় এলেও আওয়ামী সরকারের দেয়া নিয়োগপ্রাপ্ত প্রজাতন্ত্রের সকল সদস্য/অফিসার (সেনা, বিডি আর, পুলিশ এবং সরকারি অফিস আদালতে) এর সংখ্যা দাড়ায় মাত্র ৫%।   

কাজেই প্রশাসনের সকল ক্ষেত্রে সরকারকে কঠোর হতে হয়, সতর্ক হতে হয়। সরকারের কর্তৃক গৃহীত সিদ্ধান্তসমূহ বাস্তবায়ণে হীম শীম খেতে হচ্ছে প্রতিটি অফিস আদালতে এবং জেলাসমূহের প্রশাসনের প্রতিটি টেবিলে প্রতিটি ক্ষেত্রে । যদি বিরোধী দলের কোনো ইস্যু না থাকে তাহলে আর কি করা। খালেদা জিয়া নিজের গায়ে আগুন লাগিয়ে যুব লীগ বাঁ ছাত্রলীগের নামে মিথ্যে মামলা ঠুকতে পারেন। কারন যাদের জন্ম তারিখটাই মিথ্যের বেসাতিতে ভরপুর, তাদের জন্য দুয়েকটি মিথ্যে বানোয়াট আর ভিত্তিহীন কাহিনী রচনা করা কঠিন কোনো কাজ নয়।

বিগত ৪০ বছরে স্বাধীনতার স্বপক্ষ শক্তিকে ঘায়েল করা, নেতাকর্মীদের নামে মিথ্যে মামলাসহ তৃণমূল পর্যায়ে ঘরবাড়ী জমিজমা দখল, খুন, ধর্ষণ তথা বৃহৎ আওয়ামী শক্তিকে বাংলার মাটি থেকে চির তরে নিশ্চিনহ করার প্রকল্পসমূহ একাত্তুরের নির্লজ্জ হায়েনা পাকিস্তানের আইএসআই স্থানীয় স্বাধীনতা বিরোধী ঘাতক দালাল রাজাকারদের দ্বারা বাস্তবায়নে অর্থ যোগান দিয়ে যাচ্ছে। আর মিডিয়ার দালাল গুলোতো আছেই। তাদেরও পত্রিকার ব্যবসা ভালো চলবে। ওরা আবার কোন দিন খালেদা জিয়াকে মাছ ধরার জাল পরিয়ে বলবে দেশে দুর্ভিক্ষ দেখা দিয়েছে।

আমি ক্ষমা চাইছি দেরীতে শীবের গীত গাইবার জন্য। আমি একটা কথা আগেই বলে রাখি যে আমি কিন্তু সাবেকমন্ত্রী আবদূর রাজ্জাক ভাই এবং মরহুম এমসিএ মতিউর রহমান ( মাদারীপুর-৩) মতিভাইয়ের সরাসরি রাজনৈতিক কর্মী ছিলাম ৬৬ থেকে ৭১ পর্যন্ত। আমি নিজে দাদা নামের গাঞ্জাখোর গুরুর দীক্ষা নেবার সুযোগ পাইনি কিন্তু তার কর্মকাণ্ডের সব সংবাদাদি জানতে পারতাম। বিশেষ করে বি এল এফ এর সাথে রাজ্জাকভাই, মনিভাই সরাসরি জড়িত ছিলেন। আমার এক ফেসবুকের বন্ধু ছোটভাই আব্দুল্লাহ হারুন জুয়েল তার একটি নোটে  একটি সুন্দর ক্যাপশন দিয়ে বর্ষীয়ান নেতা স্বাধীনতা সংগ্রামের অন্যতম সংগঠক সিরাজুল আলম খান প্রসঙ্গে বলতে যেয়ে লিখেছিলো রাজনৈতিকভাবে ব্যর্থ সি আ খানের ভন্ডামী প্রসঙ্গে। এই বুড়াকে আবশ্যই আমাদের শ্রদ্ধা করতে হবে যেমন শ্রদ্ধা করতে হবে বঙ্গবীর কাদের সিদ্দিকীকেও। আমাদের আপনভাই, চাচা, ফুফা, দাদা অথবা অন্য কোনো একান্তজন বদ্ধ উন্মাদ হলে পাড়া প্রতিবেশির সাথে তাল মিলিয়ে আমরা তো জুতা নিক্ষেপ করতে পারিনা। কারণ ওরা স্বাধীনতার স্বাপক্ষশক্তি। আ স ম আ রব এবং শাহজাহান সিরাজো ওই একই সারির ব্যর্থ অপদার্থ মুক্তিযোদ্ধা এবং সংগঠক । ওরা আছে বলেইতো ১৭ কোটি মানুষ মুল্যায়ণ করতে পারে যে " কে চোর আর কে পুলিশ? এই বুড়ার প্রসঙ্গে আগে আমি হাবীব এবং জুয়েল অনেক লিখেছি। ওনার কিছু শীষ্য আছে, তার মধ্যে " লুইচ্ছা বাবা সেফাত আলী নং ১, মিল্টন হাসনাত নং ২, খালেদুর রহমান সাকিল নং ৩, এদের অনেকে অর্থের লোভে নিজের ধর্মকে পরিবর্তন করে ইসলামের বিরুদ্ধে এবং জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধু তথা আওয়ামী লীগের বীরুধে ঊঠে পরে লেগেছে। শাকিল ফেসবুকে বঙ্গবন্ধুর সরাসরি একটি আইডি চালায়, শেখ হাসিনা ফ্যান ক্লাব একটি গ্রুপ চালায়, বাংলার ডাক একটি ভূয়া আইডি আছে। মাঝে মধ্যে সুযোগ মতো যাদুমিয়া, ভাসানী, সি আ খানের ইতিবৃত্ত তুলে ধরে। সেফাত উল্লাহ্‌ সাকিলের সকল অর্থের যোগান দেয়। আর আমাদের মধ্যে ঘাপ্টি খেয়ে বসে থাকা অস্ত্রেলিয়ার নাগরিক মিল্টন হাসনাত worldwide liaison and coordinator হিসেবে কাজ করছেন। দেশে আরো অনেক নূতন IT expert educated young ছেলে মেয়েদের সংগ্রহ করা হয়েছে এবং এই মেয়েদের সংগ্রাহের কাজটি সাকিলের প্রিয়াতমা স্ত্রী রুপা করে বেড়াচ্ছেন। জুয়েলের মতে আমি একমত নই, কারন আমার বুকে অনেক কফ জমে গেছে, কাজেই এই বুড়ো বয়সে গাঞ্জা টান্তে পারবো না আমরা একটি সদ্য স্বাধীন্তাপ্রাপ্ত দেশের প্রধান হিসেবে জাতিরজনকের কাছে কি চেয়েছিলাম? আর কি পেয়েছি? যুদ্ধবিদ্ধস্ত বাংলাদেশ গড়ার কাজে জাতিরজনককে এই জাসদ, এই সি আ খান, জিয়া, নিজামীরা কোন সুযোগ দেয়নি। যে গাছ জাতির জনক রোপণ করেছিলেন, সে গাছের ফলতো অনেক দূরের কথা, ফুল ফুটবার আগেই তাঁকে পৃথিবী থেকে সরিয়ে দিয়েছে। স্বাধীন সার্বভৌম রাষ্ট্রের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা বঙ্গবন্ধুর সাড়ে তিন বছর প্রশাসনিক জীবনটাকে ব্যর্থতার কালিমা লেপন করে রাষ্ট্রীয় সমৃদ্ধির পথে বাধার প্রাচীর গড়ে তুলেছিল এই রব জলিল'গং রা। এই আপনার লেখায় উল্লেখ করা মহা নায়কগণ কি করেছেন সে কথা নতুন প্রজন্মকে জানানো আমি মনে করি আমাদের নৈতিক দায়িত্ব। এরাই ৭৩-৭৪ এবং ৭৫ এর আগষ্ট পর্যন্ত জাসদ গঠন করে আওয়ামী লীগের নেতাকর্মী, বঙ্গবন্ধু এবং তাঁর সরকারের বিরুদ্ধে ৭১ সালে জমা না দেয়া বিপুল পরিমাণের অবৈধ অস্ত্র গোলাবারুদ নিয়ে মাঠে ময়দানে, গ্রামে গঞ্জে স্বশস্ত্র বাহিনী গড়ে তোলে, ওদের মূখে ছিলো প্রতি বিপ্লবের ডাক। ওরা বলতো দেশ স্বাধীন হয়নি তাই প্রতি বিপ্লবের প্রয়োজন। এভাবে ওরা হত্যা করে দেশের হাজার হাজার আওয়ামী নেতাকর্মী চেয়ারম্যান মেম্বার ভক্ত অনুসারীদের। বঙ্গবন্ধু তাঁর জীবদ্দশায় নিজের জীবনের সমস্ত আনন্দ ভোগ বিলাস, উল্লাস উচ্ছাস আবেগ অনুভূতি হাসি কান্না দুঃখ বেদনা সমভাবে ৯ কোটি মানুষের মাঝে বন্টনের চেষ্টা করেছিলেন। আর এই বুইড়া ছাগল প্রতিবিপ্লবের নামে জাসদ গঠণ করে বঙ্গবন্ধুকে পরাজিত করার জন্য।মেজর জলিল, মেজর জিয়াউদ্দীন এবং কর্নেল তাহেরও এর সাথে জড়িত ছিলো। এ কথা আমি মুক্তির বানোয়াট বাঁ ভিত্তিহীন গদ্য রচণা নয়, এই হচ্ছে ইতিহাস, যদি কেউ রাগ করেন, সেটা আপনার ব্যাপার কিন্তু ঘটনা বোধ করি আপনারও জানা আছে।  

60 Years of Struggle and Achievements - Bangladesh Awami League

Bangladesh Awami League is the oldest and biggest political party of Bangladesh. It originated in the soil of  the country and evolved with the evolving hopes and aspirations of the people living on the Padma- Meghna-  Jamuna delta. It is the party that gave leadership in the glorious Liberation War. Awami league is one of  those political parties in the world under whose leadership struggles were led and won, tearing apart the  chains of domination and servitude. Awami League represents the mainstream of the progressive, non-communal,  democratic and nationalist 

olitics of Bangladesh.

This half-a-century- old party has a glorious of relentless and uncompromising struggle against autocracy and  communalism, against political and economic domination. Its greatest achievement is the emancipation of the  Bangalee people from the colonial rule of Pakistan. This was the party that both germinated and helped  blossom the Bangalee nationalism: the independence won in 1971 is the undying monument of that grand success  of Awami League as a political party. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, our Father of the Nation, gave the  leadership to the people and the party that took us through the glorious War of Liberation. Since then, the  party has worked tirelessly to combat autocracy and communalism, to nourish the non communal political  tradition and to institutionalize democracy through establishing a constitutionally elected government.

Therefore, as a political party, Awami League can claim to have attained success in the overall development  of the political history of the country, particularly in the process of building a nation-state for the  Bangalee people. It is continuing in its role as the people- oriented political party with progressive and  pragmatic political, social and economic agenda for the betterment of the lot of the toiling masses of the  country.

We plan to elaborate on some of the glaring successes of Awami League in its long history of struggle over  the last fifty years.

The inception of Awami League: the rise of opposition politics 

It is known to all that, in 1940, Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Huq tabled the historic Resolution incorporating  the idea of more than one states in the Indian subcontinent. According to this resolution, there was to be a  separate state comprising the Bangla speaking regions of the sub continent. But the plan was completely  sidetracked when India was divided in 1947 on the basis of Mr. Jinnah’s Two-nation Theory, and the artificial  state of Pakistan came into being with two wings separated by a thousand miles. These two wings comprised two  entirely different lands, languages and cultures. The establishment of Pakistan could not solve the problem  of Bangalee nationality. On the contrary, the repressive policies of the Pakistani ruling elite against  various nationalities brought the question of Bangalee’s separate nationhood to the forefront. In this  backdrop, within 4 months and 20 days of the creation of Pakistan an opposition student’s organization named  East Pakistan Student League was formed under the leadership of the then young and promising student leader,  Bangbandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (January 4, 1948). On June 23, nest year, a meeting of the leaders and  workers known to be the supporters of Hussain Shaheed suhrawardy was held at ‘Rose Garden’ of K. M. Das lane,  Dhaka. There a new political party named Awami Muslim League was formed with Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan  Bhashani as chair, Shamsul Haq of Tangail as Secretary, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (then interned in  Jail) as Joint Secretary and Yar Mohammad as Treasurer. It was the first oppsition party in the then East  Bangal (later renamed East Pakistan). In a process of secularization, the word ‘Muslim’ was eventually  dropped from the name of the party. Since its inception, Awami League has championed the cause of the  political rights of the Bangalee people and fought relentlessly for the attainment of those rights. The  present Bangladesh Awami League inherits the legacy of the party founded in 1949. Bangabandhu’s daughter  Sheikh Hasina is the present president of Bangladesh Awami League.

Language Movement and the Struggle for the Dignity of our Mother Tongue

The Bangalee people living on the Padma- Meghna- Jamuna delta first rose in revolt on the question of the  state language of Pakistan. The language policy of the non-Bangalee rulers of Pakistan was not only  undemocratic but also strongly biased against the various nationalities. They refused the claim of Bangla,  the language of the majority people of Pakistan, to be one of the state languages alongside Urdu. Rather they  trid to impose Urdu as the sole state language of Pakistan. The people of East Bengal statged their clamorous  protest against this blatant injustice and a strong mass-movement originated on the question of state  language. Both Awami League and its student wing Chhatra League evolved through this Language movement that  stretched from 1948 till 1952. The leaders of these two parties played the dominant role in organizing this  movement. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s name should be specially mentioned in this regard.

On March 11, 1948 he led a siege of the East Pakistan Secretariat and was arrested along with some of his  colleagues. On March 21, 1948, in a meeting in the Racecourse of Dhaka (now Suhrawardy Garden), Mohammad Ali  Jinnah, the first Governor General of Pakistan declared unequivocally, “Urdo and only Urdu shall be the state  language of Pakistan.” A number of young activists including Bangabandhu raised their voice of protest  against this declaration. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became the target of the wrath of the Muslim  League government for a number of reasons which included his active participation in the language movement,  his protest against the repressive measures taken by the Muslim League government, his leadership in the  movement of the class four employees of Dhaka University etc. He was being thrown into Jail into Jail again  and again. He was still in jail when the final phase of the Language movement started in 1952. He got himself  transferred from the central jail to Dhaka Medical College on medical ground and established contacts with  the leaders outside.

Through chits smuggled out of the hospital he gave directives to the leaders of the movement. On February 16,  1952, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib and his close associate late Mohiuddin Ahmed went on hunger-strike-till-death.  With a view to isolating them from the outside world, the government transferred them to Faridpur Jail.  Bangabandhu was then Joint Secretary of Awami League. This hunger strike added a new dimension to the final  phase of the Language Movement. The police opened fire on the demonstrasting student on February 21, 1952,  killing several persons. This bloody incident opended a new chapter in the history of the Leberation struggle  of the Bangalee nation.

It should bementioned here that the movement for Bangla Language was being conducted under the aegus of a  multi-party forum called the ‘All Party State Language Action Committee. It was formed on January 30, 1952,  and Awami League played a leading role in its formation. On the streets, inside the prison, in the  Constituent Assembly-everywhere Awami League and Bangabandhu fought relentlessly for the cause of mother  tongue. In a speech given in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, Bangabandhu made this memorable comment : “It  is not important whether we know any other language or not. We want to speak in Bangla in this House.” When  new consperacies started being hatched against Bangla language and Bangalee culture in the sixties,  Bangabandhu and his party organized a strong protest movement against those nefarious designs of the Ayub  regime.

In 1974, after the Liberation of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered his speech in the UN  in Bangla and thus for the first time glorified our language in the world arena. His daughter, the present  Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina can justifiably claim the credit of glorifying Bangla once again  : it was due to her initiative that UNESCO has declared (November 17, 1999) the 21st of February as the  International Mother Language Day. From now on, February 21, the day of martyrdom for Bangla, will be  celebrated all over the world every year in recognition of the right of the mother tongues of all speech  communities of the world. The glorious sacrifice of the Bangalee nation has now acquired international  recognition through this decision of UNESCO.

The Election of the United Front

 In March 1954, an election of the last Pakistan Provincial Assembly was held, which is known as the United  Front election. The opposition political parties, under the leadership of the mainstream party, Awami League  formed the United Front to fight the electoral battle against the ruling Muslim League. It was formally  inaugurated in December 1953 with Hussain Shaheed Sugrawardy, Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Huq, Maulana Abdul  Hamid Khan Bhashani and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as Chief proponents. United Front chalked out a 21  point socio-economic programme as its election manifesto; it included the ‘State language issue’ and ‘the  demand for the autonomy of East Bengal’ as two main points. The election symbol of the Front was ‘boat’. It  had a landslide victory, winning 300 seats out of 309. The ruling Muslim League got only 9 seats. Out of the  237 muslim seats, United Front bagged 223 (Awami League topped the list among the members by winning 137  seats). This electoral win by United Front marked a watershed in the politics of East Pakistan. The ruling  Muslim not only suffered a crushing defeat; it was virtually wiped out as a political force from East Bengal.  For the Bangalees it was a revolution through ballot. But the United Front Government formed under the  leadership of Fazlul Huq was short-lived : the central Gvoernment of Pakistan ousted it on the 56th day of  its assumption of power. Bangalees were outraged and infuriated by this nefarious act on the part of the  Pakistani ruling clique. The election of 1954 and its aftermath played an important role in the evolution of  the concept of the separate Bangalee nationhood.

A Step towards secularization

Since the beginning, Awami League has been a secular democratic party. The term ‘Muslim’ was appended to the name of the party at the time of its foundation as a political tactic only. India was divided on the basis of a communal bifurcation, and in 1949 it was really unthinkable to launch an opposition political party with a declared secularist agenda. Moreover, the separate election system for defferent religious communites was still operative in Pakistan. The founding fathers of Awami League, therefore, thought it opportune to hide their intentions under the name ‘Awami Muslim league’ for the time being. Meanwhile, through the cataclysmie events of the Language Movement, the United Front election of 1954 and the defeat of Muslim League in that election created a secular political atmosphere in East Bengal. A resolution in favour of ‘non-communal combined system was adopted (Murree Pact, 1955), for whice Awami League can claim the sole credit. In the backdrop of this, in the initiative of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the then General Secretary of the Party, the three-day 3rd council meeting was held in Rupahal Cinema Hall of Dhaka on 21-23 October, 1953. In this council, a resolution regarding the change in the name of the party was adopted: the word ‘Muslim’ was  dropped and the party was renamed ‘East Pakistan Awami League’. It was a historical and bold political decision, as a result of which the party became open to all irrespective of caste, creed and colour. The secular democratic character of the party was thus institutionalized and perfected.

Formation of government, split in the party, ouster from power

 In August 1956, the governor of East Bengal called upon Awami League to form the provicial government. The Awami League government was formed next month with Ataur Rahman Khan, the leader of the Awami League Parliamentary Party, as the Chief Minister. His cabinet included Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.  Bangabandhu was entrusted with the important portfolio of the Ministry of Industries, commerce and Labour.  Awami League stayed in power for about two years. Inspite of a series of conspiracies hatched by the central government, the Awami League government in East Bengal succeeded in taking some important steps in various fields. These included the tackling of serious problem of food-shortage, the release of the political  prisoners, giving ‘test relief’ to the landless peasants, the granting of financial aid to the families of  the Language Movement martyrs, the declaration of February 21 as a government holiday, the observance of  Pahela Baiskh as Bangla New Year’s Day, the establishment of a Veterinary College in Mymensingh, of  Fenchuganj Fertilizer Factory and Savar Dairy Farm and of Film Development Corporation (FDC) etc. Bangabandhu played a very strong role in all these.

We must note here a singular event that took place during the Awami League rule. Bangabandhu was concurrently holding the posts of the Party General Secretary and a cabinet minister. The party decided to segregate the leadership of the Organization and the ministry. Bangabandhu was given the choice of keeping any of the two  posts. This problem arose in the case of a few others also. Bangabandhu unhesitatingly made his choice he  left the ministry and opted for the post of the party secretary. This shows how much importance he laid upon the party organization. This rare incident proves the fact that Bangabandhu was the central force in Awami League and that his commitment to the party was above everything else. Incidentally, all the three vice-presidents of the party opted for minister ship and left the party posts. Almost simultaneously with the  formation of government in East Bengal by AL, the party under the leadership of Huseyn Shaheed Shhrawardy  formed government of only 13 members of Awami League and was backed by the Republican Party. But it lasted only 13 months (12 September 1956-11 October 1957). Naturally, it was too short a tenure for the Suhrawardy government to do anything significant. But even within this period, the AL administration took a few bold steps. These include the adoption of ‘parity’ policy with a view to lessening the multiple disparities  between the two wings of Pakistan; the holding of the session of Pakistan National Assembly in Dhaka (for the  first time); the passing of an act in the assembly in favour of non-communal joint electorate system (October  14,1956); the establishment of Jute Marketing Corporation; taking steps to facilitate industrialization and  expansion of trade and commerce in East Bengal; the establishment of IWTA for developing the river transport  system and WAPDA for flood control, etc.

The civil and military bureaucracy had exerted its unhealthy influence on the administration since the very inception of the state of Pakistan. The AL government of Suhrawardy successfully curbed this influence.  Moreover, with a view to basing the fledgling domocracy on a firm footing, Suhrawardy stressed the need for holding a general election in his very first address to the nation. These bold steps taken by the Shurawardy government, particularly its pledge to hold a general election unnerved the ruling clique and its frontsman  President Iskander Mirza. It was at his behest that Republican Party (a party that Mirza himself had helped  found) withdrew its support from Suhrawardy Ministry. Immediately after this President Iskander Mirza forced  Suhrawardy to resign.

One big event for Awami League that took place during this period was the split in the party The two top  leaders of AL, Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashni were having a difference of opinion for quite some time on the  question of the foreign policy of Pakistan. Bhasani was in fovour of a non-aligned foreign policy, while  Suhrawardy fovoured strong links with the powerful countries of the West, Particularly with Amirica.  Suhrawardy’s stance was backed by a pragmatic assessment of the contemporary geo-political realities of South  Asia. Most of the leaders of Awami League under the guidence of the Party General Secretary Bangabandhu  Shiekh Mujibur Rahman supported Suhrawardy’s standpoint. On February 7-8, 1957, Bhasani hosted the special  council meeting of AL at Kagmari Tangail. There the division of opinion came to the fore. The split in the  party could be forestalled at Kagmari Council, but soon it became inevitable. Maulana Bhasani resigned his  post of party President on March 18, 1957; within a few days, 9 out of the 37 members of the Working  Committee resigned in support of Maulana Bhasani. On July 25-26, 1957, Bhasani called ‘Democratic Workers  Conference’ at Rupmahal Cinema of Dhaka. There, a new political party named ‘National Awami Party’ was formed  with Bhasani as its president. A few leftist organization joined NAP. In this time of crisis, the youthful  General Secretary of AL took the reins of the party in his hands. Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish was made  the party president in the place of Maulana Bhasani. Bangabandhu, at this juncture, left his post in the  provincial ministry in order to devote his whole time to the reorganization of the party.

The Anti-Ayub Movement

On OCtober 7, 1958, President General Iskander Mirza proclaimed Martial Law in Pakistan. Within 20 days of  this, he was ousted by the Army Chief General Ayub Khan in a counter coup. Ayub’s decade of autocratic rule  started. The constitution was abrogated; the national and the provincial assemblies were dissolved; all  political activities were prohibited. A large number of political leaders and activists including Bangabandhu  Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were thrown into jail. By passing the notorious ‘EBDO’ Act, Ayub Khan declared 78  politicians including the popular leader H. S. Suhrawardy unfit for being candidates in elections. Measures  were taken to stifle the voice of the press. Moreover, Ayub Khan introduced the so-called ‘Basic Democracy’  substituting direct elections with on ‘Electoral College’ with the ulterior purpose of perpetuating his  regime. He arranged for the framing of a new Constitution (1952), which was based on the ‘Basic Democracy’  concept on a total reliance on the military bureaucracy.

In spite of all repressive measures, Awami League continued functioning, surreptitiously organising group  meetings to devise ways and means of a possible movement against the Ayub Government. Soon an opportunity  presented itself, when the government arrested H. S. Suhrawardy on June 30, 1962. The news of the arrest  spread like wild fire and the students started strikes in educational institutions and came out to the  streets. Anti-martial Law posters were put up on the city walls. In this backdrop, on February 7, 1962,  Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested and thrown into jail. The publication of the Report on  Education Policy by Sharif Commission, which was constituted by Ayub Khan, added fuel to the fire. The entire  student community demanded the immediate withdrawal of the Report terming it as anti-people and inimical to  Bangla language and culture. On September 17 (1962), the police opened fire on the agitating public killing a  number of people including a student named Babul. The day (September 17) has been observed as the ‘Education  Day’ ever since. This incident gave rise to a student- upsurge forcing the government to withhold the Sharif  Commission Report. Side by side with the student movement, attempts were made to initiate a political  movement against Ayub Khan. On June 24, 1962, nine eminent political leaders of different parties issued a  statement opposing the new constitution and calling for the restoration of democracy. This is known as ‘the  statement of nine leaders’. Ataur Rahman Khan and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman signed the statement on  behalf of Awami League. Within a short time, under the auspices of Awami League, a multi-party alliance nemed  ‘National Democratic Front’ (NDF) was formed. Upon his release from prison, the leader of All Pakistan Awami  League, H. S. Suhrawardy took the leadership of NDP. In 1962-63, NDF held a serious of Political rallies in  both the wings of Pakistan and it created a widespread awakening among the people. Suhrawardy’s death in  1963, however, was an irreparable loss to NDF. Under the initiative of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the  decision to revive Awami League was taken in a meeting at his residence in Dhanmondi Road no. 32.

The Presidential election of Pakistan was held on January 2, 1965, on the basis of Basic Democracy (the  electoral college comprised only 80,000 voters). Despite the meagre chance of winning the election under such  a situation, the opposition decided to fight it out jointly. With this end in view and under the auspices of  Awami League a united front named Combined Opposition Party (COP) was formed on July 21, 1964. Miss Fatema  Jinnah was nominated the candidate the candidate of COP for the Presidential polls. Although Miss Jinnah lost  in the election, her election campaign created a lot of stir in the public. In Dhaka city, the provincial  capital, Ayub Khan got fewer votes than Fatema Jinnah. One positive result that emerged from this election  was that it exposed the hollowness and anti-people character of the so-called Basic Democracy system.

Communal riots of 1964

Awami League believes in communal harmony and peace. It has always fought against communalism. In 1964, a  communal riot broke out between the Muslim and the Hindu communities in Dhaka, in Narayanganj Adamjee area  and elsewhere. Things were compound when the Bangalees and the Beharis started clashing in several places. As  the situation worsened, scores of people got killed; looting and arson went on in full scale. Hundreds of  people were rendered homeless. The Ayub government was involved in this riot : their aim was to divert the  anti-government sentiments of the people to a different issue. With a view to countering this communal riot a  ‘Resistance Committee’ was formed under the aegis of Bangabandhu. The Committee published a pamphlet titiled  “Stand up in Resistance, East Pakistan!” and distributed it among the public in hundreds and thousands.  Bangabandhu incurred the displeasure of an angry Ayub for this and the government started a suit against him  in the court.

The 6-point Programme: The ‘Megna Carta’ of the Bangalees’ national struggle

The 1965 Indo-Pak War came as an eye-opener for the Bangalees. During the War, East Bengal became completely  isolated from the rest of the world. East Pakistanis were left to their fate, without military defence and  security, while the Pakistani rulers kept themselves busy in defending the West Pakistani fronters. This  exposed the extreme callousness of the Pakistani rulers to wards the Bangalee people. In this backdrop, soon  after the end of the War, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman formulated the historic 6-point programme. His  purpose was to voice the just demands of the people of East Bengal for self determination and economic  emancipation from the exploitative Pakistani colonial state-system. The six points were as follows :

Point 1:

Pakistan shall be a Federal State. There shall be parliamentary government formed by a legislature  elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.

Point 2:

The federating units or the provinces shall deal with all affairs except foreign relations and defence.

Point 3:

There shall be two separate but easily convertible currencies for the two wings of Pakistan. Or,  alternatively, there may by a single currenct with the proviso that the Federal Bank shall take adequate  measures to stop the ciphoning of money from East Pakistan to West Pakistan.

Point 4:

The federating units or provinces shall reserve the right to levy taxes. The central government, of  course, shall have some share of the tax proceeds.

Point 5:

Separate accounts shall be maintained for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings. The foreign  exchange earned from foreign trade shall be under the control of the respective wings. The federating units  shall be independent in conducting trades with foreign countries.

Point 6:

The federating provinces shall be able to raise para-militia or para-military forces for their own  defences.

No sooner had the 6-point programme been published than Ayub Khan declared it ‘secessionisrt’ and styled its  author Bangabandhu as the enemy number one of Pakistan. Ayub also threatened to use brute force to suppress  this charter of demands. But Awami League and its leader Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman remained undaunted  by such threats. Bangabandhu started a 3-month long mass-contact programme which took him to every nook and  corner of Bangladesh. In the public meetings, Amidst thunderous slogans, he pesented the 6-point programme as  demands to save our (Bangalees’) life. The government started arresting him now in Sylhet, now in Mymensing,  or in Dhaka or in Narayanganj. Bangabandhu was arrested eight times in the first three months of the 6-point  movement. By then Bangabandhu had become the President of Awami League. He was finally thrown into jail on  May 8, 1966, a general strike was observed all over East Pakistan in support of the 6-point programme and for  the release of Bangabandhu. The police fired in Tejgaon, Tongi and Narayanganj killing 13 people. This was  followed by large-scale arrests of the leaders and followers of Awami League throughout the country. All  these measures taken by the Ayub regime proved counter-productive. 6-point programme became the heartfelt  demand of the common masses. Students put forWard their 11-point programme which complemented the 6-point  charter of demands. Thus the political situation in East Pakistan became extremely volatile : the stage was  set for a great explosion of popular anger through an all-out mass-movement against the Ayub rule. 

The Agartala Conspiracy Case & the Mass-upsurge of 1969

President Ayub Khan of Pakistan took resort to a nefarious plan of quelling the growing disturbances caused  by the 6-point programme. At his instance, in January 1968, a false case was instituted. This has become  infamous in the history as the Agartala Conspiracy Case. 35 Bangalee civil and military officers were accused  of treason and conspiracy against the state of Pakistan. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, then under  detention, was made the principal accused and the case itself was officially styled, “State versus Sheikh  Mujibur Rahman and Others.” President Ayub formed a special tribunal to try the accused. On june 19, 1968 the  trial started in the Kurmitola cantonment of Dhaka. There was great turbulence in East Pakistan because of  this case. The student community started a united movement against the Ayub regime on the basis of the  6-point programme of Bangabandhu and their own 11-point charter of demands. They defied the section 144  promulgated by the police, broke the barricades put by the East Pakistan Rifles and came out to the streets  in thousands. People from all walks of life joined them. They chanted the slogans - “We’ll break the locks of  the jail and free Sheikh Mujib”; “Your leader, my leader, Sheikh Mujib, Sheikh Mujib’, etc. A mass-upsurge  took place; the Pakistani rulers ordered shooting in different places. Law and order situation worsened to  such an extent that the rebellious mob took control of all important points in the Dhaka city. During this  movement, a lot of people were killed: Asad, a student leader of Dhaka University, Dr. Shamsuzzoha, a teacher  of Rajshahi University and Matiur, a school student of Dhaka and Sg’t Zahurul Huq, an accused of the Agartala  Conspiracy Case were among them. On February 22, Pakistan Government was forced to grant unconditional  release to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and withdraw the ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’. Next day, in a  mammoth gathering in the then Race Course Maidan of Dhaka, Bangabandhu was accorded a grand reception. Amidst  thunderous applause by the million of people gathered there. Sheikh Mujib was conferred the title  ‘Bangabandhu’ (The Friend of Bengal). On March 25, 1969, Ayub Khan was forced to step down from power in  shame and ignominy. The decade of his autocratic rule came to an end.

The elections of 1970: Awami League wins the historic mandate

General Yahya Khan succeeded Ayub Khan as President of Pakistan. He declared the general elections to be held  next year. In December 1970, the general elections were held on the basis of universal adult franchise and a  proportionate distribution of seats in terms of population between the two wings of Pakistan.

Awami League decided to fight these elections as a part of its struggle for self-determination for the  Bangalee people. Its election manifesto was the 6-point programme; its election symbol was ‘boat’. During the  election campaign, Bangabandhu termed the election was a referendum on the 6-point programme. During this  time, on November 12, a devastating cyclone laid waste the whole of Southern Bengal, killing half a million  people. The central government of Pakistan showed extreme callousness in the face of such a great human  disaster. Awami League capitalized on this issue during the campaign. Awami League won a stunning victory in  these elections, winning 160 out of 162 seats in East Pakistan. It bagged 72.57% of the total votes cast. AL  won a similar landslide victory in the provincial Assembly elections also - it won 288 seats out of 300 and  bagged 389% of total votes cast. Awami League won all the 7 women seats in the National Assembly and all the  10 women seats in the Provincial Assembly. The net result was, Awami League emerged as the single majority  party in the Pakistan National Assembly with 167 seats out of a total of 313. On the other side, Mr. Zulfiqar  Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party won 88 seats (all from the western wing) and emerged as the second  largest Parliamentary group. These were the last general elections of the united Pakistan.

Non-Cooperation Movement, the 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu and the Preparations for the War of Liberation

Awami League’s attainment of single majority in the 1970 elections frightened the Pakistani rulers. They  could well read the meaning of the AL victory-it meant that the Bangalee would now wield the state-power and  frame a new constitution based on the 6-point programme. They would in no ay let such a thing happen.  Therefore they started their conspiracy immediately after the results were out. Along with the military-civil  bureaucracy, Mr. Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party joined in this palace-intrigue.

On January 3, 1971, Awami League under the leadership of Bangabandhu arranged an Oath-taking ceremony for the  newly elected members of the National and the Provincial Assembly in the Race Course Maidan of Dhaka. The  Awami league MPs took a solemn oath to frame the constitution of the country on the basis of the 6-point and  the 11-point Programmes. Yahaya Khan had convened the opening session of the National Assembly on the 3rd of  March; bt on the 1st of March, he postponed the session for an indefinite period. As the news of this  postponement spread, the whole province reacted quicklywith anger and dismay. People came out to the streets;  educational institutions and offices closed down. In protest of Yahaya’s declaration, Bangabandhu called  hartal on March 2 and 3 in entire East Bengal. Curfew was clamped on the night of March 2, but the angry mobs  broke the curfew. The army opened fire on the protesters killing and Wounding hundres. The whole province  rose in protest like a roaring sea. This was the time of the uprise of a new nation whose undisputed leaders  was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Raman. The slogan ‘Joy Bangla’ (Victory of Bangladesh) became the War-cry of  the multitudes. Along with ‘Joy Bangla’ people chanted, “Take up arms, you heroic Bangalees and liberate  Bangladesh”, “Great leader of a great nation, Sheikh Mujib, Sheikh Mujib’. On March 2, in a  student-mass-gathering in front of Dhaka University Arts Building the new national flag of Bangladesh (a red  sun on a green background and the map of ‘Bangladesh’ printed in yellow on the red disc) was hoisted. Events  followed events in a quick succession. On March 3, in the presence of Bangabandhu, the ‘manifesto of the  independent Bangladesh’ was read out in a mammoth public meeting at Paltan Maidan; Independent Bangladesh  Central Student’s Action Committee was formed; an all-out non-cooperation movement against the Pakistani  rulers started under the direct command of Bangabandhu, who became the virtual ruler of the province. He  started issuing daily directives to be followed by the public. From March 2 to March 25, 1971 Sheikh Mujib  became the wielder of all political and civil power in East Pakistan. All government and non-government  offices, the Secretariat, autonomous bodies, the High court, the police, Radio and television, Banks and  Insurance companies, Transport authorities-everybody defied the order of the Pakistan government and observed  the directives issued by Bangabandhu from his Road no. 32, Dhanmondi residence. As Sheikh Mujib became the de  facto head of goverment, his residence turned into something like No. 10 Downing Street of the British Prime  Minister’s Official residence.

During this time, the most significant event took place on March 7, when Bangabandhu addressed a mammoth  gathering, a virtual sea of human faces, in Race Course Maidan. About a million people gathered in that  historic meeting on that fateful day in the annals of the Bangalee race. Bangabandhu’s address on that day  laid the foundation-stone of the future independent Bangladesh as he gave a green signal for starting the War  of Liberation by saying those inspiring poetic lines: “Our struggle this time is the struggle for freedom;  our struggle this time is the struggle for independence”. The March 7 speech of Bangabandhu has been compared  with the Geattysberg address of President Abraham Lincoln. In this short speech, Bangabandhu narrated the  story of the 23 years of Pakistani exploitaton and the deprivation of the Bangalee people, explaned the  points of conflicts with the Pakistani rulers, delcared an elaborate programme for the non-cooperaton  movement, hinted at the possible strategy of resistance against the enemy attack. He said, “Building forts in  each homestead. You must resist the enemy with whatever you have... Remember, we have a given a lot of blood,  a lot more blood we shall give if need be, but we will liberate the people of this country, insha Allah...  The struggle this time is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle this time is the struggle for  independence. Joy Bangla”.

This electrifying declaration by Bangabandhu was virtually the declaration of the independence of Bangladesh.  But, of course, Bangabandhu showed the political sagacity of not making the declaration too openly; rather he  chose to adopt a ‘wait and see’ policy in order to observe the next move of the Pakistani government. A UDI  would be disastrous at the particular point time.

The Great War of Liberation and the Emergence of an Independent Bangladesh

The military junta of Yahya Khan started a dialogue with the leader of the majority party, Bangabandhu Sheikh  Mujibur Rahman. But it was actually an attempt to hoodwink the Bangalees-the junta was taking time t make  their military preparations complete for a fnal crackdown. They smuggled in arms and ammunition from West  Pakistan and a large number of army personne, too. On March 25, at midnight, they led a sudden attack on the  unarmed Bangalees in Dhaka and other places. Thus began the so-called ‘Operation Searchlight’, the most  heinous and barbarous genocide in the history of mankind. A little after the midnight in the early hours of  March 26, 1971, Bangabandhu delcared the independence of Bangladesh. He sent a message containing the  declaration of independence to his party leaders in Dhaka and Chittagong over the wireless of the then East  Pakistan Rifles. The message read:

“The Pakistani Army has launched a sudden attack on the EPR Headquarters at Pilkhana and the Police Line at  Rajarbagh and they have killd many people in the city. Street fights are going on in Dhaka and Chittagong.  Our freedom fighters are viliantly fighting for liberating their motherland from the enemies. In the name of  Almighty Allah, this is my appeal andorder to you-seek the assistance from the Police, the EPR, the Bengal  Regiment and the Ansars to liberate the country. No compromise; the victory must be ours. Expel the last  enemy from our sacred motherland. Reach this message to all Awami League leaders and workers and all other  patriotic and freedom loving people. May Allah bless you. You Bangla.”

With the army crackdown on the 25th March night and the declaration of independence by Bangabandhu after the  midnight, the resistance struggle and the armed War of Liberation of the Bangalees started all over the  country. The junta arrested Bangabandhu frm his Dhanmondi Road No. 32 residence immediately after the  declaration of independence. A few days later he was taken to West Pakistan. In order to give the declaration  by Bangabandhu a constitutional basis and to conduct the War of Liberation under a central leadership, the  Awami League leaders on behalf of the elected MNAs and MPAs issued a statement on April 10, 1971. This is  known as ‘the constitutional declaration of independence’.

    It read:

“According to the verdict given by the sovereign people of Bangladesh in favour of the elected  representatives, we, the elected representatives, have formed the constituent Assembly on the bass of  discussions among ourselves. Considering the establishment of equality, human dignity and social justice for  the people of Bangladesh a sacred duty enjoined upon us, we do hereby declare the decision of transforming  Bangladesh into a Sovereign People’s Republic and endorse the earlier declaration of independence by  Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Raman. This declaration of independence will be deemed effective from March 26,  1971.”

In the same declaration, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was made the President and the Commander-in-Chief  of the Armed Forces. The provisional government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh was formed (now famous  as the Mujibnagar Government) withSyed Nazrul Islam as Vice-President (to act as President in the absence of  Bangabandhu) and Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister. On April 17, 1971, the ‘Mujibnagar government’ took oath  of office in Baidyanattala of Meherpur district, in the presence of the elected representatives, Awami League  leaders, freedom-fighters, local and foreign journalist and a large number of common people. The provisional  government was formed in the following manner:

President & the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces     :     Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Acting President     :     Syed Nazrul Islam
Prime Minister     :     Tajuddn Ahmed
Minister of Foreign Affairs     :     Khandakar Mustaq Ahmed
Finance Minister     :     Caption M. Mansur Ali
Home Minister     :     A H M Kamaruzzaman

This provisional Government of Mujibnagar gave leadership to the War of Liberation in the name of  Bangabandhu. After the formation of the provisional government, the Liberation War found a sound footing: The  Mukti Bahini (Bangladesh freedom fighters) fast grew into a highly disciplined combative force. The freedom  fighters started their guerrilla attacks on the enemies all over Bangladesh and within months succeeded in  forcing the Pakistani soldiers to confine themselves in their cantonments. On December 3, Pakistan made a  desperate attempt to break the impasse by leading an air attack on India. An all-out War between India and  Pakistan Started. The Mukti Bahini and the Indian army formed the Allied Forces under a joint command. On  December 6, 1971India accorded formal recognitiion to independent Bangladesh. The 13-day War came to an end  on December 16, with the surrender of 93,000 Pakistani soldiers to the Joint Command of Bangladesh and India  in the historic Race Course Maidan of Dhaka.

The Post-liberation period & the struggle for national reconstruction

 After the Liberation, Bangabandhu and the Awami League government faced a formidable challenge in the sphere  of national reconstruction. The whole country was ravaged by the non-month long bloody War of Liberation.  Communication system, the posts and industries were completely in ruins. Schools and colleges, factories and  food silos, the village hats and bazar were burnt to ashes by the marauding Pakistani soldiers. All these  things had to be rebuilt. Then there was the staggering problem of the rehabilitation of the families of the  martyr, of those who were maimed by the War and of the women raped and tortured by the Pak army. Ten million  refugees, who had fled to India, were to be brought back and rehabilitated. The economy was in a shambles,  foreign currency reserve was nil; the food silos were empty. The possibility of a famine causing death of  millions was being forecast. Things were compounded by the drought of 1972, the devastating cyclone of 1973,  the adverse effect of the worldwide recession owing to the Arab-Israeli War and the floods of 1974 etc. A  greater threat to the political stability of the newborn country was posed by the conspiracies of the  defeated anti-liberation quarters. A few pro-Chinese leftists started a nefarious campaign by setting jute  godowns on fire, uprooting railway tracks, attacking police outposts and committing clandestine political  murders. The government of Bangabandhu had to confront these challenges of reconstruction on a War footing.

On his return from his confinement in Pakistan on January 10, 1972, Bangabandhu devoted himself to this  stupendous task of reconstruction. We can enumerate the successes of the Bangabandhu government of 3 years  briefly as follows:

(a) Restoration of communication system within the shortest possible time; the clearing of mines at  Chittagong and Chalna Ports;

(b) Rehabilitation of 10 million refugees who had taken shelter in India;

(c) Granting of economic aid to the families of martyred freedom fighters;

(d) Rehabilitation of narly 3 lakh women who were dishonoured during the War;

(e) Sending of disabled freedom-fighters abroad for treatment;

(f) Ensuring the return of the Indian forces within 3 months of the Liberation;

(g) Framing of one of the world’s best constitutions within 10 months;

(h) Introduction of Parliamentary system;

(i) Holding of general elections in 1973 (AL won 293 out of 300 seats);

(j) Reorganization of the Defence Forces;

(k) Appointment of the Kudrat-e-Khuda Education Commission for framing a scientific and secular education  policy;

(l) The promulgation of a democratic ordinance for the universities (1973);

(m) Nationalization of 40 thousand primary schools;

(n) Winning of recognition by 140 nations of the world;

(o) Siging the Ganges-Water Sharing Treaty with India ensuring 44,000 cusecs of water for Bangladesh; etc,  etc.

In 1974, when the anti-liberation forces accelerated their disruptive activities Bangladesh felt the  necessity of uniting all the pro-Liberation forces of the country under one banner. With this end in view, he  formed the Bangladesh Krishak-Sramik Awami League (24 January, 1975). He also declared the programme called  the ‘Second Revolution’ in order to rivitalize the economy and to cement the national unity. As a result of  this, the law and order situation improved considerably; the prices of essential commodities came down and  political stability returned to the country.

At this critical juncture, when Bangladesh was striding forward under the able leadership of Bangabandhu  Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the cruelest assassination of history took place on August 15, 1975. The foundng  architect of Bangladesh, Father of the Nation, the Glorious Leader of Liberation War, Bangabandhu Sheikh  Mujibur Rahman was assassinated along with all the members of his family then in Dhaka and other leaders.  Anti-Liberation and reactionary international forces with the help of their local henchmen staged this most  brutal murder of all times.

The post - ’75 movement against autocracy and for the restoration of democracy

 The anti-liberation reactionary and counter-revolutionary forces usurped the state-power through the  assassination of Bangabandhu on August 15, 1975. For the subsequent 15 years, Bangladesh was ruled by the  same forces sometimes under a civilian guise, sometimes under military dictatorship. Khandakar Mushtaq one of  the chief conspirators behind the Bangabandhu killing ruled for a few months (1975) before being ousted by  General Zia who ruled till 1981. After he was murdered in an abortive coup, Justice Sattar came to power  (1981-82). General Ershad ousted the elected government of Sattar and assumed power in 1982 and continued his  military rule upto 1990. In 1990, he was forced to stepdown through mass-upheaval which reminded many of the  mass-upsurge of 1969 against Ayub Khan. During these 15 years, the successive rulers tried their utmost to  obliterate the memories of Liberation War efface the name of Bangabandhu from the mind of the public,  sheltered and even rewarded the killers of Bangabandhu, allowed the communal polities to operate freely.  Coups, conspiracies, social anarchy and corruption held unhindered sway in the country. In the elections of  1991, Khaleda Zia’s Party BNP was voted to power. Like the earlier regimes, Khaleda Zia’s government pursued  the same policies.

During these dark years of our national life, Awami League had the self imposed task of fighting for  democratic rights of the people. After 15th August 1975, there came another cataclysmic event that struct  Awami League very seriously and led to a temporary vaccum in the leadership: four national leader, Syed  Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, M. Mansur Ali and A.H.M. Kamaruzzaman were killed in Dhaka Central Jail by the  same conspirators who had killed Bangabandhu.

A. The Rule of General Zia

After the killing of Bangabandhu on August 15, 1975, Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed assumed power for a brief  period. But General Ziaur Rahman, who was the chief beneficiary of the killing, could not keep himself behind  the wings for long. On November 7, 1975, he assumed the power in a military coup de tat. Ruthless and  ambitious as he was, he took some quick steps to consolidate his power: One such step was to get Colonel  Taher, a valiant freedom fighter whom he had duped in order to ascend to power, summarily hanged (July 21,  1976), on a charge of treason. This Machiavelli of Bangladesh politics later put on the mask of democracy by  starting a political party named Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) where he assembled all the  anti-liberation and communal elements. He had to face at least 20 coup attempts. He crushed these attempts  brutally by killing numberless freedom-fighter personnel in the army. It was Zia who first rewarded the  self-confessed killers of Bangabandhu by giving them employment in foreign missions of Bangladesh. It was  during his time that election-rigging and elections by blueprint started in Bangladesh. For example, on My  30, 1977 he held a referendum in which it was shown that 99% voters had taken parts. Zia got 98.88 of the  vote cast in his favour. The general elections of February 18, 1979 was also a big hoax: as per the  government blueprint, his BNP was shown to have won 207 seats out of 300. Zia ensured the two-thirds majority  of his party in the parliament with an ulterior motive: he had a plan to change the secular provisions of the  constitution and to regularize the various proclamations and regulations passed during his rule as a military  dictator.

Awami League did not let anything to go unchallenged. Side by side with organizing street demonstrations, it  also took part in the presidential and parliamentary polls during the Zia-Sattar regime (1978, 1979, 1981),  sometimes singly, sometimes by forming alliances with other parties. Awami League took these polls as an  opportunity to solidify the party organization. Despite the implementation of a blueprint and a large-scale  government intervention in the polls, Zia could not prevent Awami League from becoming the main oppositiion  party in the Jatya Sangshad. When General Zia brought the 5th Amendment Bill with a view to giving his  military rule of 1975-79, Awami League opposed it vehemently both inside and outside the parliament. Awami  League vociferously protested other anti-people and undemocratic moves taken by Zia government.

Towards the end of the Zia regime, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina returned home from self-exile since  the August tragedy. The day was May 17, 1981. Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh Rehana had left behind  their parents, brothers and their wives and other relatives when they went abroad a few months before the  August tragedy of 1975. When she returned home in 1981, his near and dear ones were no more. But she quickly  got over the grief of losing her parents and dear ones like his little brother Russell and took the helm of  Awami League. She devoted herself wholeheartedly to the reorganization of the party for starting a relentless  and indomitable struggle for the restoration of democracy in the country and for the attainment of the rights  of the people.

Awami League was reassured to find in her an intrepid, brilliant, dynamic leader was ready to go to any  extent for the realization of the dreams of her father, the founder of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur  Rahman. The party elected her its president and posited its confidence in her. she on her part soon became  the rallying point of the toiling masses, the rightless, voiceless multitudes who were ophaned like herself  at the death of Bangabandhu. Awami League was reinvigorated by her electrifyingly enthusiastic leadership and  her far-reaching political visioin. On the day of her home-coming, it seemed as if Nature also mourned with  her : it was a day that saw heavy downpour and thunderstorm in the city. In spite of the inclement weather, a  million people turned out at the airport to receive the daughter of Bangabandhu with the warmth of their  heart.

On May 30, 1981, General Ziaur Rahman died in an army putsch. Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar took office  as President, but within less than a year he was forced to resign by General Ershad who staged an army conp  on March 24, 1982. Thus the long autocratic rule of General Ershad started which lasted for nine long years.

B. The Rule of General Ershad

On March 26, the Independence Day, after only two days of Ershad’s assumption of power, Sheikh Hasina voiced  her first protest against the autocratic rule in an address at the National Memorial at Savar. She vowed to  restore democracy and pronounced a stern warning to Ershad. She made a similar pronouncement on January 21,  1983 to a huge gathering in front of Bangabandhu Bahaban in Road no. 32, Dhanmondi. The Ershad government  quickly arrested her on charge of the violation of Martial Law and clamped a legal suit against her. Other  political parties and their leaders kept silent during this time.

Sheikh Hasina felt the need for starting a concerted movement against Ershad’s military autocracy. With that  end in view she formed a 15 party Alliance in early 1983. The Alliance adopted a 5-point action programme,  the main concern of which was the immediate withdrawal of military rule and the return of the army to the  barracks and the holding of the Jatiyo Sangshad elections before any other polls. Four years passed, during  which time a number of hartals were observed, a national convention was held in Dhaka etc. But the autocratic  rule of Ershad still there. On May 7, 1986, Ershad announced the date for Jatiyo Sangshad election. Awami  League throught it opportune to fight the election unitedly with other parties and alliances; bujt a few of  the parties withdrew themselves at the last moment. 8 parties under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina took part  in the polls jointly. This 8-party Alliance got 97 seats out of 300, and 31.21% of the total vots cast.  (Awami League won 76 seats on its own and 26.15% of the total votes). In reality, Awami League-led Alliance  was on the verge of wianing a majority, but the results were hijacked by a media-coup. The declaration of  elections results on the TV and the radio was suspended for 48 hours, during which time Ershad hijacked toe  popular mandate.

This incident exposed the term nature of Ershad regime to the outside world. The accumulated hatred of the  people against Ershad’s autocractic rule grew stronger as they understand that no free and fai9r polls was  possible under the Ershad government. Accordingly, Awami League refrained form participating in the  presidential election of 1986 and the Jatiyo Sangshad election of 1988 and the Jatiyo Sangshad election o  1988. As a result, these elections turned into a farce.

Awami League, however, continued to play its role as opposition party in the parliament right upto the  dissolution of Jatiyo Sangshad in December 1987. Side by side with this, AL organized street demonstrations  also. Awami League observed March 24, the day Ershad snatched power as ‘Black Day’. When the Ershad  Government made a bid to have the ‘Zilla Parishad Bill’ (with a provision of representation of the army)  passed in the Parliament, Awami League members led by Sheikh Hasina staged a walk out (12 July, 1987). There  were angry protests outside the house also, which forced Ershad government to retreat.

The final months of 1987 saw a strong anti-Ershad movement. One November 10, Awami League observed the ‘Dhaka  siege Day’. A worker of Awami Jubo League, Noror Hossain made himself a walking poster by having these  slogans painted on his chest and back : ‘Let Democracy be free’ and ‘Down with autocracy’. The police  targeted him and killed him with a gunshot. The Ershad government was frightened by the public anger and the  next day interned Sheikh Hasina in her own house. Quite a few leaders and activists of Awami League and its  constituent organizations courted arrest in this new phase of movement against Ershad. Being freed form  house-arrest, Sheikh Hasina went to Chittagong on January 24, 1987 to address a public meeting in Laldighi  Maidan of Chittagong. On the way the truck carrying Sheikh Hasina to the meeting venue came under a sudden  attack : the police and the paramilitary forces fired indiscriminately killing about 50 people on the spot.  The main target of this infamous ‘ January 24 Genocide’ was of course Sheikh Hasina herself. But by the grace  of the Almighty her life was saved. The anti-Ershad movement rose to a crescendo during 1687. Ershad on his  part, attempted a new strategy to quell the popular uprising : he dissolved the parliament and let loose a  reign of terror on the opposition political parties. With a view to forming a ‘rubber stamp’ parliament,  Ershad arranged for a farcical, voterless election on March 3, 1988. Almost all the parties boycotted the  election. But Ershad managed to get the notorious ‘State Religion Bill’ passed by the 8th Amendment of the  Constitution in this ‘rubber stamp’ parliament. This bill struck a blow at the non-communal, secular  foundation of the state of Bangladesh and the spirit of the glorious Liberation War. Awami League raised its  voice of protest against the bill and organized demonstration all over the country.

When all the concentred efforts made by various political parties, alliances and professional organizations  came to naught, Sheikh Hasina came forward with a historic formula for Ershad’s resignation in a mammoth  meeting at Panthapath of Dhaka on November 6, 19990. She suggested that Ershad should quit after handing over  power to a neutral non-partisan person under the articles 51 and 55 of the Constitution (this formula was  incorporated in the ‘Historic Formula of the Three Alliances of November19’. Consequently and at long last,  Ershad was forced to declare resignation on December 4, 1990. On December 6, he handed over power to neutral  caretaker government headed by Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, the then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Thus  the 9- year long autocratic rule of General Ershad came to an end. In the ouster of the autocratic government  of Ershad, Awami League and its various organs played the most seminal role.

C. The Rule of Begum Khaleda Zia

The Jatiya Sangshad election of February 27, 1991 under the neutral caretaker government of Justice  Shahabuddin Ahmed was a disheartening experience for Awami League. Everybody, both at home and abroad, had  thought that Awami League would win an absolute majority and form the government. Even BNP anticipated their  defeat, had started preparing for post-election agitation programmes. But the election results surprised all  concerned. Awami League and its allies got more vote but less seats in the Sangshad (34.29% votes and 100  seats; AL by itself 88 seats); whereas BNP got less votes but won more seats (30.81% of votes and 140 seats).

The reasons were not far to seek. All the rightist political parties, the defeated forces of 1971, the  beneficiaries of post-75 politics, the owners of black money, the collaborators of autorcracy and their  foreign patrons joined their hands in order to defeat Awami League. They usd their black money and communal  propaganda for the purpose. On top of that, BNP and Jama-ati-Islami made an electoral alliance and divided  the seats among themselves. When all these conspiracies seemed to bear no results they took recourse to  subtle rigging. The sure victory of Awami League was thus hijacked by BNP. It was a deep and far-reaching  conspiracy of the reactionary quarters against Bangladesh Awami League, the undaunted champion of the hopes  and aspiration of the people and the upholder of the spirit of democracy and Liberation War.

After the election, BNP formed the government with the assistance of Jamaat. Because of electoral  understanding with BNP, Jamaat had managed to win 18 seats. BNP leader Khaleda Zia took oath of Office as  prime Minister on March 19, 1991 and Awami League under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina took up the role of  the opposition in the parliament. Even in this role, Awami League did not forget its electoral vows : it took  initiative to introduce the parliamentary form of government which ultimately came into being through the  12th Amendment of the Constitution (August 6, 1991).

But the nation could not reap the fruits of parliamentary democracy for long. Despite being the Prime  Minister and the Leader of the House in the Sangshad, Begum Khaleka Zia often absented here self from the  parliament. The administration was shamelessly monopolised by the party in power; Khaleda Zia herself, her  two sons, her siblings and other relatives, the ministers and the leaders-workers-supporters of BNP indulged  in widespread corruption. They misappropriated thousands of crores of public money in order to enrich  themselves overnight. The hoodlums of BNP were given arms with which they let loose a reign of terror all  over the country. Murder, women and children abuse, acid throwing on girls became the order of the day. The  hooligans of BNP-supported student organization turned every campus into a killing zone, the result being  that all the university and colleges started to close down one by one. There was on unprecedented anarchy in  the agriculture sector : 18 farmers were shot dead when they were demonstrating for fertilizers at a  reasonable price. Similarly, 19, factory-workers were also killed. The people were soon disenchanted with the  Khaleda government and thire disappointment and anger showed through the results of a by - election in  Mirpur. Although the AL candidate won the poll, the Election Commission, at the behest of the BNP government,  changed the results and declared the BNP candidate winner (February 3, 1993).

On January 30 1994, the BNP candidate for the Mayorship of Dhaka was defeated by the AL candidate. In order  to take revenge for this electoral defeat, the BNP hooligans gunned down 7 innocent people at Lalbagh in the  city. People from all walks of life protested this heinous ‘Lalbagh Murder’ and demanded the trial of the  killers. Things started happening at a quick pace and the BNP government’s popularity fell to zero. On March  20, 1999, a by-election was held for the Sangshad seat of Magura-2, which was a watershed in the political  history of the country. BNP resorted to all-out violence, rigging and irregularity in order to hijack the  popular verdict clearly by the voters in favour of the AL candidate. It was such an unprrecedented and  shameless rigging that the Election commission itself was redered helpless : the Chief Election Commission  flew back to Dhaka, seemingly in dismayed and shocked by the stupendity of it.

It became crystal clear through the Magura polls that a free and fair election cannot be held under a party-  government : the only solution is to hold all national elections under a neutral caretaker government. With  this end in view, the opposition parties in the Sangshad under the leadership of sheikh Hasina tried to move  a bill in the Sangshad. But it was impossible for BNP and Khaleda Zia to countenance such a proposal. On the  contrary, Kahaleda Zia rejected the opposition demand disdainfully, and declared, “None but a mad man or a  child is neutral.” After the Magura incident, all the political parties including AL chose to boycott all  elections under the BNP government.

Sheikh Hasina, the President of Awami League and Leader of Opposition in the Parliament led a tumultous  mass-movement on the issue of neutral carretaker government and the attainment of the people’s right to vote  freely. The caretaker government issue soon became the national demand. As a part of the movement, Awami  League and other opposition parties refrained from attending the sessions of the parliament (March  30-December 28, 1994) and finally, 146 MPs resigned their posts as members of Parliament. In spite of this,  BNP tried to continue the Snagshad without the opposition parties for more than a year. Finally, on November  24, 1995, the BNP government dissolved the parliament and went for fresh polls. Thus Begum Khaleda Zia and  her government had to quit before the expiry of its 5 year term.

A farcical election was held on February 15, 1996 with all the opposition political parties boycotting it. As  the popular demand of holding the parliamentary polls under neutral caretaker government was turned down, the  opposition decided to actively resist the polls. I the process of this resistance, 147 people were killed,  thousands were wounded and more than 20 thousand AL workers were put behind the bars.

In the midst of nationwide protests, hartals and demonstrations, the illegally formed parliament was called  to session. It lasted for only 4 working days. As the political situation of the country became extremely  explosive, Khaleda Zia had to concede the demand for neutral caretaker government and had to pass a bill to  that effect through the 13th Amendment of the Constitution (March 26, 1996). But the protesting public were  not content in having anything short of the resignation of the Khaleda Zia government. Sheikh Hasina, the  leader of the masses, called for an all-out movement for the cancellation of the February 15 election,  resignation of Begum Zia government and the holding of a fresh parliamentary election under a neutral  caretaker government. At the order of Sheikh Hasina, a countrywide non-stop non-cooperation movement started  from March 9, 1996, Everything including the seat-ports of Chittagong and Chalna came to a stand still. She  ordered the establishment of the ‘Janatar Mancha’ (Peoples Dias) in front of the National Press Club, Where  people form all walks of life, including the officer and officials of the Secretariat assembled to show their  allegiance to Sheikh Hasina and their solidarity with the on-going movement. In the face of the anti-Khaleda  mass-upsurge, Bugum Zia declared her resignation from power (March 30, 1996). The President appointed Justice  Mohammad Habibur Rahman, fromer Chief Justice of the Supreme Court as the head of the caretaker government.

Awami League government led by Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001) and its success 

On June 12, 1996 parliamentary election was held under a neutral caretaker government led by Justice Mohammad  Habibur Rahman. Bangladehs Awami League under the leadership of sheikh Hasina part in the election with  ‘boat’ as the election wymbol and won majority seats. Sheikh Hasina took the oath of office as Prime Minister  on June 23. Awami League’s was undoubtedly a significant event in our national history. since the  assassination of Bangalbandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975, the anti-Liberation and anti-people forces had  spread their web of deceit and subterfuge, of conspirecy and subversion, in order to forestall Awami League’s  return to power. They had tried to bring back Pakistani ideals in every sphere of national life. But Awami  League’s much awaited and spectacular come-back put an end to all these nefarious designs and paved the way  for the restoration of the spirit of Liberation War, democratization, alleviation of poverty, illiteracy and  terrorism, efffective prevention of torture, upon women and poor and the distressed. Moreover, this come-back  opened up new vistas of possibilities for the restoration of the image of Bangladesh in the eyes of the  world-community. It will also-help the struggle for establishing a modern, affluent, self-reliant Bangladesh  suited to face the challenge of the 21st century. Indeed, a new and an altogether different phase of the  national struggle has started with Sheikh Hasina’s assumption of office.

The Awami League government has already achieved a spectacular success in various spheres. Democracy has been  given an institutional shape; the Sangshad has been made the centre of all activities; the transparency and  accountability of the government have been ensured. Bangladesh under the sagacious leadership of Sheikh  Hasina has signed a 30-year treaty with India to ensure a fair share of Ganges water for Bangladesh. The  internecine, fratricidal conflicts in Chittagong Hill Tracts have come to an end following the signing of a  peace treaty with the tribals there. Awami League government of Sheikh Hasina repealed the infamous  ‘Indemnity Act’ and paved the way for the trial of the killers of the Father of the Nation, which was a clear  realisation of its election pledge. The government of Sheikh Hasina has taken a number of epoch-making steps  for the amelioration of poverty and for bringing smile to the face of the toiling millions. As a result of  these. the country is now self-sufficient in food. Prices of necessary commodities have not risen during the  past five years. The AL government has adopted a multilateral programme for removing poverty. This includes  the pension schemes for the aged people, the divorced women and the widows, monthly grant of Taka 300 for  disadvantaged freedom fighters; Employment Bank for the jobless, ‘Asrayan Prakalpa’ (a housing scheme for the  houseless) and ‘Santinibash’ (homes for the aged) at every district headquarters. The deft way in which the  government managed the devastating flood of 1998 also won the praise of the world community. The average per  head income has resen from 280 US dollars to 386 US dollars. Literacy rate has risen from 44% to 62%. New  industries and factories have been established a new export processing zones started functioning. There has been an increase in foreign investment also. In the field of games, Bangladesh has acquired ‘test status’. In  the cultural arena also, a new era has begun under the leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her  government.

In the international arena, Bangladesh has achieved several successes. The glorious Language Movement of 21st  February has won recognition as International Mother Language Day. Among other notable achievements are  Bangladesh’s election as a member of the UN security Council, the exchange of visit by the heads of  government of Bangladesh and the USA, Bangladesh’s election as the leader of the D-8 group, Prime Minister  Sheikh Hasina’s winning of the UNESCO Peace Prize and The Ceres Prize awarded by FAO. Bangladesh has acquired  a place of honour in the comity of nations. Bangladesh is now known by its new image as a self-reliant nation  with infinite prospects.

The governments that preceded the AL government of Sheikh Hasina had no definite policy in running the country. They believed only in looting and plundering the national wealth. They misruled the country with the assistance of the anti-Liberation elements on an ad hoc basis. The AL government reversed the situation: from the very start it adopted realistic and pragmatic policies for an over-all development of the country.  National Education policy, Industrial policy, Agriculture policy, Water policy, Forest and conservation policy, Investment policy and Health policy are some examples of the clear-sighted and progressive planning  by the AL government.

Conclusion

Bangladesh Awami League is not merely a political party; it is a half-a century-old political institution also. The fate of Bangladesh and the Bangalee nation has been inextricably intertwined with this party. It has always upheld and fought for the democratic ideals and stood by the side of the toiling masses.Our great leader, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman did his politics all for the betterment of the lot of the  poor masses of this country.After his sad death, the mantle has fallen on his daughter, Sheikh Hasina, who is carrying on the same fight as her father. 

Why Bengali needs separation from Pakistan? In August 1947, the Partition of India gave birth to two new states named Pakistan and India. Areas containing the Muslim-majority became Pakistan while areas with Hindu majority states became India. The new nation of Pakistan included two geographically and culturally separate areas in the east and the west of India. The western zone was popularly (and for a period of time, also officially) termed West Pakistan and the eastern zone (modern-day Bangladesh) was initially termed East Bengal and later, East Pakistan. It was widely perceived that West Pakistan dominated politically and exploited the East economically, leading to many grievances.
On the 25 March 1971, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met by brutal[8] suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment in what came to be termed Operation Searchlight.

The violent crackdown by West Pakistan forces led to East Pakistan declaring its independence as the state of Bangladesh and to the start of civil war. The war led to a sea of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10 million) flooding into the eastern provinces of India Facing a mounting humanitarian and economic crisis, India started actively aiding and organizing the Bangladeshi resistance army known as the Mukti Bahini.

East Pakistani grievances

Economic exploitation

West Pakistan (consisting of four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and North-West Frontier Province) dominated the divided country politically and received more money from the common budget than the more populous East.

Year Spending on West Pakistan (in crore Rupees) Spending on East Pakistan (in crore Rupees) Amount spent on East as percentage of West

1950–55 1,129 524 46.4

1955–60 1,655 524 31.7

1960–65 3,355 1,404 41.8

1965–70 5,195 2,141 41.2

Total 11,334 4,593 40.5

Source: Reports of the Advisory Panels for the Fourth Five Year Plan 1970-75, Vol. I, published by the planning commission of Pakistan (Quick reference: crore = 107, or 10 million)

Political differences

Although East Pakistan accounted for a majority of the country’s population (14), political power remained firmly in the hands of West Pakistanis, specifically the Punjabis. Since a straightforward system of representation based on population would have concentrated political power in East Pakistan, the West Pakistani establishment came up with the "One Unit" scheme, where all of West Pakistan was considered one province. This was solely to counterbalance the East wings votes. Ironically, after the East broke away to form Bangladesh, the Punjab province insisted that politics in West Pakistan now be decided on the basis of a straightforward vote, since Punjabis were more numerous than the other groups, such as Sindhis, Pashtuns, or Balochs.

After the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistans first prime minister, in 1951, political power began to be concentrated in the President of Pakistan, and eventually, the military. The nominal elected chief executive, the Prime Minister, was frequently sacked by the establishment, acting through the President.
East Pakistanis noticed that whenever one of them, such as Khawaja Nazimuddin, Muhammad Ali Bogra, or Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy were elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, they were swiftly deposed by the largely West Pakistani establishment. The military dictatorships of Ayub Khan (27 October 1958 – 25 March 1969) and Yahya Khan (25 March 1969 – 20 December 1971), both West Pakistanis, only heightened such feelings.

Historic Speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7 March 1971

The situation reached a climax when in 1970 the Awami League, the largest East Pakistani political party, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a landslide victory in the national elections. The party won 167 of the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan, and thus a majority of the 313 seats in the National Assembly. This gave the Awami League the constitutional right to form a government. However, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (a Sindhi), the leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party, refused to allow Rahman to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Instead, he proposed the idea of having two Prime Ministers, one for each wing. The proposal elicited outrage in the east wing, already chafing under the other constitutional innovation, the "one unit scheme". Bhutto also refused to accept Rahmans Six Points. On 3 March 1971, the two leaders of the two wings along with the President General Yahya Khan met in Dhaka to decide the fate of the country. Talks failed. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for a nation-wide strike.

On 7 March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered a speech at the Racecourse Ground (now called theSuhrawardy Udyan). In this speech he mentioned a further four-point condition to consider the National Assembly Meeting on 25 March:

1. The immediate lifting of martial law.

2. Immediate withdrawal of all military personnel to their barracks.

3. An inquiry into the loss of life.

4. Immediate transfer of power to the elected representative of the people before the assembly meeting 25 March.

He urged "his people" to turn every house into a fort of resistance. He closed his speech saying, "Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence." This speech is considered the main event that inspired the nation to fight for their independence. General Tikka Khan was flown in to Dhaka to become Governor of East Bengal. East-Pakistani judges, including Justice Siddique, refused to swear him in.

Between 10 and 13 March, Pakistan International Airlines cancelled all their international routes to urgently fly "Government Passengers" to Dhaka. These "Government Passengers" were almost all Pakistani soldiers in civilian dress. MV Swat, a ship of the Pakistani Navy, carrying ammunition and soldiers, was harbored in Chittagong Port and the Bengali workers and sailors at the port refused to unload the ship. A unit of East Pakistan Rifles refused to obey commands to fire on Bengali demonstrators, beginning a mutiny of Bengali soldiers.

Military imbalance

Bengalis were under-represented in the Pakistan military. Officers of Bengali origin in the different wings of the armed forces made up just 5% of overall force by 1965; of these, only a few were in command positions, with the majority in technical or administrative posts. West Pakistanis believed that Bengalis were not "martially inclined" unlike Pashtuns and Punjabis; the "martial races" notion was dismissed as ridiculous and humiliating by Bengalis.Moreover, despite huge defence spending, East Pakistan received none of the benefits, such as contracts, purchasing and military support jobs. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 over Kashmir also highlighted the sense of military insecurity among Bengalis as only an under-strength infantry division and 15 combat aircraft without tank support were in East Pakistan to thwart any Indian retaliation during the conflict.

মুক্তিযোদ্ধারা বৈষম্যের শিকার কেন?

বলা হয়ে থাকে সকল মুক্তিযোদ্ধারাই সর্বকালের সর্বশ্রেষ্ট সন্তান। তাহলেই সকল মুক্তিযোদ্ধারা জাতিগতভাবেই ভাই ভাই অর্থাৎ জাত ভাই বা যোদ্ধাভাই কারণ সকলের পদবী তারা মুক্তিযোদ্ধা, মুক্তিবাহিনী বা মুক্তিফৌজ "বিচ্ছু"।

জাতি ধর্ম বর্ণ গোত্রের যদি বৈষম্য না থাকে তাহলে আমরা সকলেই মনুষ্যপ্রাণী। আমরা আল্লাহ্‌ তায়ালার সর্ব শ্রেষ্ট জীব (মানুষ-মান ও হুষ=)মানুষ।

রক্ত মাংস জ্ঞান বুদ্ধি চৈতন্য উপলব্ধি অনুভূতি অতি তীক্ষ্ণ ও সূক্ষ্মভাবে স্নায়ুতন্ত্রের সাথে স্থাপন করেই আদিম রুপে একটি মাক্বলুকাত আল্লাহ্‌ সোবহানাল্লাহ তায়ালা সৃষ্টি করেছিলেন। বহু জ্ঞানী গুনি ঋষি দার্শনিক সাম্যবাদ মানবতাবাদের বহুবিধ তত্ত্ব, তথ্য ব্যাখ্যা হাজারো ভাবে প্রদান করেছেন। সকলের সকল গবেষণার মুল লক্ষ্য সবার উপরে মানুষ সত্য তাহার উপরে নাই। বিধাতাও মনুষ্যজাতির মধ্যে ভেদাভেদ রেখে সৃষ্টি করেন নি, তাই আমরা আশরাফুল মাক্বলুকাত অর্থাৎ আমরাই শ্রেষ্ঠ জীব ।তো সে শ্রেষ্ট জীব মানব জাতিকে লক্ষ কোটি শ্রেণীতে আমরাই বিভক্ত করে সৃষ্টি করেছি নিম্নশ্রেণী, নিম্নবিত্ব, মধ্যশ্রেনী-মধ্যবিত্ব উঁচু শ্রেণী উচ্চবিত্ব। আমরাই সৃষ্টি করেছি হিন্দু মুসলিম বৌদ্ধ খৃষ্টান। আমরাই ধনি গরীবের স্রষ্টা; আমরাই সমাজ ও সমাজপতি; আমরাই ধনি আমরাই গরীব আমরাই শ্রেনীবিভেদের কুঠার আঘাতে মানব সভ্যতাকে করেছি উঁচু নিচু ও মধ্যশ্রেণী বিন্যাস।যখন রাজনৈতিক নেতাগণ অসহায় নিরীহ ঘর ছাড়া বাস্তহারা জীর্ণ শীর্ণ অথর্ব লাচারের নিকট ভোট ভিক্ষা চাইতে যান, তখন তারা ভুলে যান শ্রেনীবিভেদের অহমিকা ও অহংকারের কথা; তখন বস্তির দুর্গন্ধে তাদের নাগ কারণ ঐ জীর্ণ শীর্ণ অসহায় ব্যক্তিটির একটি মহা মূল্যবান ভোট তাকে ক্ষমতায় অধিষ্ঠিত করতে সহায়তা করবে। সে কারণে অনেক লোভনীয় আশ্বাসের বানী শুনিয়ে ঐ অসহায় ব্যক্তিটিকে বেঁচে থাকার স্বপ্ন দেখান। ঠিক একই ভাবে অনেক রাষ্ট্র প্রধানগণই এই ৩ লক্ষ মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদেরকেও বহু আশ্বাসের বানী শুনিয়ে, মাথায় থ্রি নাট থ্রি বন্দুকের ছবিওয়ালা টুপি পড়িয়ে, এক বেলা বিরিয়ানি খাইয়ে ক্বোরবানীর গরু প্রদর্শনীর মত লঙ মার্চ করতে শের ই বাংলা নগর অথবা বিজয় স্বরনীতে নিয়ে প্রখর রৌদ্রতাপে মগজ ঝলসে দেন। ভূয়সী প্রশংসা করেন; সনদ বিতরণ করেন; স্বর্ণের নামে পিতলের স্ক্রেচ প্রদান করেন; দুই চার হাজার টাকাও দেয়া হয় মাঝে মধ্যে।ধরে নিলাম ওরা চোর লুটেরা জ্ঞানহীন লোভী দুর্বৃত্ত! তাই মন্ত্রী সচিব থেকে শুরু করে আয়োজকের সবাই মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও বিদেশী সকল মুক্তিযুদ্ধে সমর্থনকারী বিশিষ্ট ব্যক্তিবর্গের সৌজন্যে “সন্মান না” প্রদর্শনের নামে লুট পাট করেছে। স্বর্ণ দিয়ে স্ক্রেচ তৈরির নাম করে ৩ লক্ষ মুক্তিযোদ্ধা, স্বাধীনতা, জাতিরজনক এবং বিদেশী সমর্থক গোষ্ঠীর সকলকে অপমান ও কলুষিত করেছে। সে বিচার জাতি না হয় নাই চাইলো।আমার এ লেখার প্রসঙ্গ তা’নয়। ক্যাপ্টেন তাজ কি করেছেন, মুক্তিযুদ্ধ বিষয়ক মন্ত্রণালয়ের সচিব কি করেছেন? আমি সেদিকে যাবো না। এমন কি মুক্তিযুদ্ধের ইতিহাস রচনার ক্ষেত্রে সহজ সরল বুদ্ধিদীপ্ত গুণীজন “স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কাঁপানো”#চরমপত্রের” রচয়িতা এম আর আকতার মুকুল স্যারকে দিয়ে করানো মরহুম ব্রিগেডিয়ার আমিন উদ্দিন আহমেদ চৌধুরী, ভুয়া অধ্যক্ষ আহাদ চৌধুরী, বি এন পি’র রেদোয়ান আহমেদ বা বর্তমান হেলাল মোরশেদের কথাও বলতে যাবো না।সব দুর্বৃত্তরাই এ ক্ষুদ্রভূমির সম্পদগুলো বিভিন্নভাবে বিভিন্ন সময়ে নানাবিধ প্রকল্পের নামে, উন্নয়নের নামে, রাজনীতির নামে, সংস্কারের নামে লুটে পুটে খেয়েছে। তাদের কথা লিখে আবার মামলা খেতে রাজি নই।কিন্তু যে কথাটি বলতে চাই-সে কথাটি বলে কোন পণ্ডিতের অশ্রাব্য গালি খেতে হয় কেই জানে?  তবু বলতে হয়; বলতে হবে। না বললে যে আমার উপরই আমি অবিচার করবো।

সম্প্রতি সর্বজনবিদিত প্রকাশ্যে ধূমপানের কারণে বিতর্কিত বীর মুক্তিযোদ্ধা মাননীয় সাংসদ, সমাজকল্যাণমন্ত্রী মরহুম সইয়েদ মোহসীন আলী ও আমার ভারতে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা প্রশিক্ষন কালীন ডেপুটি কম্যান্ডার অধ্যক্ষ আব্দুর রাজ্জাক স্যারের মৃত্যুতে দেশের প্রধান দুই কর্ণধার কর্তৃক একজনকে মহাসন্মান আর একজনকে রাষ্ট্রীয় অমর্যাদার কারণে আমার বুকের ভিতর লুকিয়ে থাকা সকল হতাশা আজ আগ্নেয়গিরির অগ্নি স্ফুলিঙ্গের মতই জ্বলে উঠতে চাইছে। মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীর যে কোন একজন ষ্টাফ এ শোকবানী গুলো প্রধানমন্ত্রীর স্বাক্ষর নিয়ে সংবাদ মাধ্যমে প্রেরণ করেন। অতি সামান্য কাজ। এ কাজটি করতে কারো অনুমোদনের দরকার হয় না।

যদি সমাজকল্যানমন্ত্রী মহোদয় মৃত্যুকালীন রাষ্ট্রীয় মর্যাদা পান, তাহলে অধ্যক্ষ আব্দুর রাজ্জাক স্যার কেন পাবেন না? এক দেশ, একই মুক্তিযুদ্ধের নায়ক, একই যোদ্ধা, একদিনেই মৃত্যুবরন করলেন। মর্যাদার ক্ষেত্রে কেন দুই রকম? এ প্রশ্নের উত্তর কে দেবেন?

মুক্তিযোদ্ধা সংসদ কার জন্য? শুধুমাত্র এম পি মন্ত্রী আর জেনারেলদের জন্য?     

ভেবেছিলাম, জীবনে আর কারো বিরুদ্ধে, অন্যায়ের বিরুদ্ধে, অপকর্মের বিরুদ্ধে কখনোই লেখা লেখি করবো না। কিন্তু পারলাম না চুপ থাকতে।আপনারা বড় বড় জ্ঞানি উচ্চ শিক্ষিত কবি সাহিত্যিক অধ্যক্ষ অধ্যাপক শিক্ষক ডাক্তার ইঞ্জিনিয়ার উকিল মোক্তার সবাই আমার চেয়ে অনেক ঢের বেশী বোঝেন। তাই আপনাদের হাতেই দেশ চলছে; উন্নয়ন হচ্ছে। দেশ এগিয়ে যাচ্ছে। ধরে নিলাম এই এগিয়ে যাবার পিছনে-আমি হতভাগা মুক্তির বিন্দুমাত্র অবদান নেই। বুঝে নিলাম-আবারো আমি কঠোর সমালোচনার সম্মুখীন হব। তাতে এতটুকুন ভয় নেই আমার।১৬ কোটী ১০ লক্ষ মানুষই মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রী ও মহামান্য রাষ্ট্রপতির দৃষ্টিতে সমান মর্যাদা সম্পন্ন। রাষ্ট্রীয় ক্ষমতাবলে একজন পিতা আর একজন মাতা। 

একজন মুক্তিযোদ্ধার মহা প্রয়াণে মহামান্য রাষ্ট্রপতি ও মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীর শোক বানী মিডিয়ায় প্রকাশ করা হয়; ঠিক পাশাপাশি আর একজন বীর মুক্তিযোদ্ধা উচ্চ শিখিত শিক্ষক মুক্তিযোদ্ধার ক্ষেত্রে একটি সংবাদও প্রচার করা হয় না ?

মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও সমাজকল্যানমন্ত্রীর জন্য মহামান্য রাষ্ট্রপতি ও মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীর শোকবানী প্রেরণ করা হয়;মুক্তিযোদ্ধা অধ্যক্ষ মাষ্টার আব্দুর রাজ্জাকের ক্ষেত্রে সেটই হল না কেন? আমি জাতির কাছে জানতে চাই; মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রী ও মহামান্য রাষ্ট্রপতির সংশ্লিষ্ট বিভাগের কাছে কৈফিয়ত চাই। জীবিত সকল মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের জানিয়ে দিন।

এই বৈষম্যের কারণেই বাঙ্গালী জাতির প্রানের দাবী ৬ ও ১১ দফা জাতিরজনক বঙ্গবন্ধু কর্তৃক প্রণীত হয়েছিল। এই বৈষম্যের কারণেই পশ্চিমা হায়েনাদের বিরুদ্ধে যুদ্ধ করে মহান স্বাধীনতা অর্জিত হয়েছিল।আমরা এই বৈষম্যের অবসান চাই।সকল মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের রাষ্ট্রীয়মর্যাদা সমানভাবে প্রদান না করা হলে ধরে নেবো স্বাধীনতার ফসল ৭০ দশকের হায়েনাদের ঘরে ।

 bangabandhu.webs.com

The Bangladesh Awami League (AL) (Bengali: বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ; translated from FarsiBangladesh People's League), commonly known as the Awami League, is the mainstream center-left, secular political party in Bangladesh. It is also currently the governing party after winning the 2008 Parliamentary elections in Bangladesh.

The Awami League was founded in Dhaka, the former capital of the Pakistani province ofEast Bengal, in 1949 by Bengali nationalists Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani,Shamsul Huq, and later Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. The Awami League was established as the Bengali alternative to the domination of the Muslim League in Pakistan. The party quickly gained massive popular support in East Bengal, later named East Pakistan, and eventually led the forces of Bengali nationalism in the struggle against West Pakistan's military and political establishment. The party under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh, would lead the struggle for independence, first through massive populist and civil disobedience movements, such as the Six Point Movement and 1971 Non-Cooperation Movement, and then during the Bangladesh Liberation War. After the emergence of independent Bangladesh, the Awami League would win the first general elections in 1973 but was overthrown in 1975 after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.The party was forced by subsequent military regimes into political wilderness and many of its senior leaders and actvists were executed and jailed. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Awami League emerged as one of the principal players of Bangladeshi politics. Amongst the leaders of the Awami League, five have become the President of Bangladesh, four have become the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and one became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Since the independence of Bangladesh, the party has been under the control of the family of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. His daughter and also the incumbent Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, have been heading the party since 1981. The Bangladesh Awami League styles itself as the leader of the "pro-liberation" forces in Bangladesh, pointing towards the secular and social democratic sections of the political establishment in the country which played the leading role during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. The party constitution states, and in two cases defines the reason for, four fundamental principles in guiding its philosophy and policies. They include- §  Bengali nationalism §  Democracy §  Secularism, that is to ensure freedom of religion and non-communal politics §  Socialism, that is to establish an exploitation-free society and social justice The four principles are similar to those of the original Four State Principles in Bangladesh's constitution which Included nationalism, secularity, democracy and socialism. Prior to the 2008 general elections in Bangladesh, the Awami League announced in its manifesto, its "Vision 2021" and "Digital Bangladesh" action plans to transform Bangladesh into a fast developing Middle Income Country by 2021.^[2] The party also uses the term "Sonar Bangla", or golden Bengal, to describe its vision for Bangladesh to become a modern developed nation. The term is reminiscent of Bangladesh's national anthem and a utopian vision in Bengali nationalism. History The history of the Bangladesh Awami League falls into three distinct eras: §  The Early Pakistan Era, when the party championed the rights of the Bengali people in Pakistan; §  The Movement for Independence, when the party led the forces of Bengali nationalism in establishing the sovereign state of Bangladesh; §  The Post Independence Era, when the party is a major player in Bangladeshi politics and often suffered volatile experiences. Early Pakistan Era On 14 August 1947, the partition of British India saw the establishment of the Muslim state of Pakistan on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory. The new country compromised of two wings, separated by 1000 miles of Indian Territory, in the Indian Subcontinent. The western wing consisted of the provinces of Punjab, Sindh, North West Frontier Province and Balochistan, while the province of East Bengal constituted the eastern wing. From the onset of independence, Pakistan was led by its founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his Muslim League party. In 1948, there was rising agitation in East Bengal against the omission of Bengali script from coins, stamps and government exams. Thousands of students, mainly from the University of Dhaka, protested in Dhaka and clashed with security forces. Prominent student leaders including Shamsul Huq, Shawkat Ali, Kazi Golam Mahboob, Oli Ahad, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Abdul Wahed were arrested and the police were accused of excessive brutality while charging protesters. In March, senior Bengali political leaders were attacked whilst leading protests demanding that Bengali be declared an official language in Pakistan. The leaders included the A. K. Fazlul Huq, the former Prime Minister of undivided Bengal. Amidst the rising discontent in East Bengal, Jinnah visited Dhaka and announced that Urdu would be sole state language of Pakistan given its significance to Islamic nationalism in South Asia. The announcement caused uproar in East Bengal, where the native Bengali population resented Jinnah for his attempts to impose a language they hardly understood. The resentment was further fueled by rising discrimination against Bengalis in government, industry, bureaucracy and the armed forces and the dominance of the Muslim League. The Bengalis argued that they were they constituted the ethnic majority of Pakistan's population and Urdu was remote to the land of Bengal, located in the eastern Indian Subcontinent. Moreover, the rich literary heritage of the Bengali language and the deep rooted secular culture of Bengali society led to a strong sense of linguistic and cultural nationalism amongst the people of East Bengal. Against this backdrop, Bengali nationalism began to take root within the Muslim League and the party's Bengali members began to rebel. All Pakistan Awami Muslim League Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, founding President of the Awami League On 23 June 1949, Bengali nationalists from East Bengal broke away from the Muslim League, Pakistan's dominant political party, and established the All Pakistan Awami Muslim League. The party was founded at the Rose Garden mansion in the old part of Dhaka. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Shamsul Huqwere elected the first President and General Secretary of the party respectively, while Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and A. K. Rafiqul Hussain were elected the party's first Joint Secretaries.^[10] The party was formed to champion the rights of masses in Pakistan against the powerful feudal establishment led by the Muslim League. However, due to its strength stemming from the discriminated Bengali population of Pakistan's eastern wing, the party eventually became associated and identified with East Bengal. Rose Garden in Old Dhaka, the birthplace of the Awami League In 1952, the Awami Muslim League and its student wing played an instrumental role in the Bengali Language Movement, during which Pakistani security forces fired upon thousands of protesting students demanding Bengali be declared an official language of Pakistan and famously killing a number of students including Abdus Salam, Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, Abul Barkat and Abdul Jabbar. The events of 1952 is widely seen by historians today as a turning point in the history of Pakistan and the Bengali people, as it was the starting point of the Bengali nationalist struggle that eventually culminated in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. In 1953, the party's council meeting voted to drop the word "Muslim" from its name in order to give it a more secular outlook, owing to need of including the province's large Hindu population in Pakistani politics. United Front United Front cabinet of Chief Minister A. K. Fazlul Huq In the run up to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly Elections in 1954, the Awami League took the lead in negotiations in forming a pan-Bengali political alliance including the Krishak Praja Party, Nizam-e-Islam and Ganatantri Dal. The alliance was termed the Jukta Front or United Front and formulated the Ekush Dafa, or 21-point Charter, to fight the Muslim League. The party also took the historic decision to adopt the traditional Bengali boat, which signified the attachment to rural Bengal, as its election symbol. The election swept the United Front coalition into power in East Bengal with a massive mandate of 223 seats out of 237 seats. The Awami League itself bagged 143 seats while the Muslim League won only 9 seats. A. K. Fazlul Huq assumed the office of Chief Minister of East Bengal and drew up a cabinet containing many of the prominent student activists that were leading movements against the Pakistani state. They included Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the Awami League, who served as commerce minister. Leaders of the new provincial government demanded greater provincial autonomy for East Bengal and eventually succeeded in pressuring Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra, himself a Bengali, to endorse the proposed constitutional recognition of Bengali as an official language of Pakistan. The United Front also passed a landmark order for the establishment of the Bangla Academy in Dhaka.  As tensions with the western wing grew due to the demands for greater provincial autonomy in East Bengal, Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad dismissed the United Front government on 29 May 1954 under Article 92/A of the provisional constitution of Pakistan. Tenure in Central Government In September 1956, the Awami League formed a coalition with the Republican Party to secure a majority in the new National Assembly of Pakistan and took over the central government. Awami League President Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Suhrawardy pursued a reform agenda to reduce the long standing economic disparity between East and West Pakistan, greater representation of Bengalis in the Pakistani civil and armed services and he unsuccessfully attempted to alleviate the food shortage in the country.  The Awami League also began deepening relations with the United States. The government moved to join the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO), the two strategic defense alliances in Asia inspired by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Maulana Bhashani, one of the party's founders, condemned the decision of the Suhrawardy government and called a conference in February, 1957 at Kagmari in East Bengal. He protested the move and the support lent by the Awami League leadership to the government. Bhashani broke away from the Awami League and then formed the leftist National Awami Party (NAP). The controversy over One Unit (the division of Pakistan into only two provinces, east and west) and the appropriate electoral system for Pakistan, whether joint or separate, also revived as soon as Suhrawardy became Prime Minster. In West Pakistan, there was strong opposition to the joint electorate by the Muslim League and the religious parties. The Awami League however, strongly supported the joint electorate. These differences over One Unit and the appropriate electorate caused problems for the government. By early 1957, the movement for the dismemberment of the One Unit had started. Suhrawardy was at the mercy of central bureaucracy fighting to save the One Unit. Many in the business elite in Karachi were lobbying against Suhrawardy's decision to distribute millions of dollars of American aid to East Pakistan and to set up a national shipping corporation. Supported by these lobbyists, President Iskander Mirza demanded the Prime Minister's resignation. Suhrawardy requested to seek a vote of confidence in the National Assembly, but this request was turned down. Suhrawardy resigned under threat of dismissal on October 10, 1957.   Ayub Khan coup and martial law On 7 October 1958, President Iskander Mirza declared martial law and appointed army chief General Ayub Khan as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Ayub Khan eventually deposed Mirza in a bloodless coup. By promulgating the Political Parties Elected Bodies Disqualified Ordinance, Ayub banned all major political parties in Pakistan. Senior politicians, including the entire top leadership of the Awami League, were arrested and most were kept under detention till 1963. In 1962, Ayub Khan drafted a new constitution, modeled on indirect election, through an electoral college, and termed it 'Basic Democracy'. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy joined Nurul Amin, Khwaja Nazimuddin, Maulvi Farid Ahmed and Hamidul Haq Chowdhury in forming National Democratic Front against Ayub Khan's military-backed rule and to restore elective democracy. However the alliance failed to obtain any concessions. Instead the electoral colleges appointed a new parliament and the President exercised executive authority. Wide spread discrimination prevailed in Pakistan against Bengalis during the regime of Ayub Khan. Harsh restrictions were imposed on major Bengali cultural symbols, including a ban on the airing of Rabindra Sangeet public. The University of Dhaka became a hotbed for student activism advocating greater rights for Bengalis and the restoration of democracy in Pakistan. On 5 December 1963, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was found dead in his hotel room in Beirut, Lebanon. His sudden death under mysterious circumstances gave rise to speculation within the Awami League and the general population in East Pakistan that he had been poisoned.

1966 to 1971

he 6-point demands, proposed by Mujib, were widely accepted by the East Pakistani populace, as they proposed greater autonomy for the provinces of Pakistan. After the so-called Agartala Conspiracy Case, and subsequent end of the Ayub Khan regime in Pakistan, the Awami League and its leader Sheikh Mujib reached the peak of their popularity among the East Pakistani Bengali population. In the elections of 1970, the Awami League won 167 of 169 East Pakistan seats in the National Assembly but none of West Pakistan's 138 seats. It also won 288 of the 300 provincial assembly seats in East Pakistan.^[14][15] This win gave the Awami League a healthy majority in the 313-seat National Assembly and placed it in a position to establish a national government without a coalition partner. This was not acceptable to the political leaders of West Pakistan and led directly to the events of the Bangladesh Liberation War. The AL leaders, taking refuge in India, successfully led the war against the Pakistani Army throughout 1971.

1975 to 1996 These negative developments led to a widespread dissatisfaction among the people and even inside the Army. On 15 August 1975 some junior members of the armed forces in Dhaka, led by Major Faruk Rahman and Major Rashid, assassinated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and all his family members. Within months, on November 3, 1975, four more of its top leaders, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, CaptainMuhammad Mansur Ali and A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman were killed inside the Dhaka Central Jail. Only Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, two daughters of Mujib, survived the massacre as they were in West Germany as a part of a cultural exchange program. They later claimed political asylum in the United Kingdom. Sheikh Rehana, the younger sister, chose to remain in the UK permanently, while Sheikh Hasina moved to India and lived in self imposed exile. Her stays abroad helped her gain important political friends in the West and in India that proved to be a valuable asset for the party in the future. After 1975, the party remained split into several rival factions, and fared poorly in the 1979 parliamentary elections held under a military government. In 1981 Sheikh Hasina returned after the largest party faction, the "Bangladesh Awami League", elected her its president, and she proceeded to take over the party leadership and unite the factions. As she was under age at the time she could not take part in the 1981 presidential elections that followed the assassination of then President Ziaur Rahman. The Awami League emerged as the largest opposition party in parliament in the elections in 1991, following the uprising against Ershad. It made major electoral gains in 1994 as its candidates won mayoral elections in the two largest cities of the country: the capital Dhaka and the commercial capital Chittagong. Demanding electoral reforms the party resigned from the parliament in 1995, boycotted the February 1996 parliamentary polls, and subsequently won 146 out of 300 seats in June 1996 parliamentary polls. Supported by a few smaller parties, the Awami League formed a "Government of National Unity," and elected a non-partisan head of state, retired Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed.   1996 to 2001 AL's second term in office had mixed achievements. Apart from sustaining economic stability during the Asian economic crisis, the government successfully settled Bangladesh's long standing dispute with India over sharing the water of the river Ganga (also known as Padma) in late 1996, and signed a peace treaty with tribal rebels in 1997. In 1998, Bangladesh faced one of the worst floods ever, and the government handled the crisis satisfactorily. It also had significant achievements in containing inflation, and peacefully neutralising a long-running leftist insurgency in south-western districts dating back to the first AL government's time. However, rampant corruption allegations against party office bearers and ministers as well as a deteriorating law and order situation troubled the government. Its pro poor policies achieved wide microeconomic development but that left the country's wealthy business class dissatisfied. The AL's last months in office were marred by sporadic bombing by alleged Islamist militants. Hasina herself escaped several attempts on her life, in one of which two anti-tank mines were planted under her helipad in Gopalganj district. In July 2001, the second AL government stepped down, becoming the first elected government in Bangladesh to serve a full term in office. The party won only 62 out of 300 parliamentary seats in the elections held in October 2001, despite bagging 40% of the votes, up from 36% in 1996 and 33% in 1991. The BNP and its allies won a two thirds majority in parliament with 46% of the votes cast, with BNP alone winning 41% up from 33% in 1996 and 30% in 1991. 2001 to 2008 In its second term in opposition since 1991, the party suffered the assassination of several key members. Popular young leader Ahsanullah Master, a Member of Parliament from Gazipur, was killed in 2004. This was followed by a grenade attack on Hasina during a public meeting on August 21, 2004, resulting in the death of 22 party supporters, including party women's secretary Ivy Rahman, though Hasina lived. Finally, the party's electoral secretary, ex finance minister, and veteran diplomat Shah M S Kibria, a Member of Parliament from Habiganj, was killed in a grenade attack in Sylhet later that year. In June 2005, the Awami League won an important victory when the AL nominated incumbent mayor A.B.M. Mohiuddin Chowdhury won the important mayoral election in Chittagong, by a huge margin, against BNP nominee State Minister of Aviation Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin. This election was seen as a showdown between the Awami League and the BNP. However, the killing of party leaders continued. In December 2005, the AL supported Mayor of Sylhet narrowly escaped the third attempt on his life as a grenade thrown at him failed to explode. In September 2006, several of the party's top leaders, including Saber Hossain Choudhury MP and Asaduzzaman Nur MP, were hospitalized after being critically injured by police beatings while they demonstrated in support of electoral-law reforms. Starting in late October 2006, the Awami League led alliance carried out a series of nationwide demonstrations and blockades centering on the selection of the leader of the interim caretaker administration to oversee the 2007 elections. Although an election was scheduled to take place on January 22, 2007 that the Awami League decided to boycott, the country's military intervened on January 11, 2007 and installed an interim government composed of retired bureaucrats and military officers. Throughout 2007 and 2008, the military backed government tried to root out corruption and get rid of the two dynastic leaders of the AL and BNP. While these efforts largely failed, they succeeded in producing a credible voter list that was used in the December 29, 2008 national election. National election 2008 The Awami league participated in the national election on December 29, 2008 as part of a larger electoral alliance that also included theJatiya Party led by former military ruler General Ershad

Election Manifesto of

Bangladesh Awami League-

2008

NINETH PARLIAMENTARY

ELECTIONS-2008

Election Manifesto of

Bangladesh Awami League

A Charter for Change

Bangladesh achieved its independence thirty eight years ago through the supreme sacrifices of thirty lakh Bengalis, three crore displaced people and half a million abused and tortured women. Today, the country stands at the crossroad of history. After a seven year period of misrule and emergency, there is going to be a free, fair and peaceful election to parliament on 29 December 2008

Bangladesh Awami League is proud of its glorious leadership in the liberation war and its upholding of the core principles of nationalism, democracy, secularism, and an equitable society free from exploitation. It may be recalled that the architect of our independence, the greatest Bengali of all time, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was the founder of our Party. Under the bold leadership of Bangabandhu, difficult but successful steps were initiated to reconstruct the war-devastated country and to build a prosperous Bangladesh. But all of a sudden the dastardly assassination of the Father of the Nation, members of his family, and some colleagues on 15th August 1975, and the subsequent killing of four national leaders inside the Dhaka Central Jail on 3rd November, 1975 transformed Bangladesh into a country of military rule and autocratic governance.

The military government and the political parties formed in the cantonment in the aftermath of this change destroyed the spirit of the freedom struggle and the promise of a secular, democratic, equitable and prosperous Bangladesh. The rape of the democratic constitution, rehabilitation of war criminals and religious fanatics, criminalization of politics and promotion of militancy, institutionalization of corruption, and the sway of black money and muscle power overtook the post-Bangabandhu governments.

The people of Bangladesh were, however, only temporarily defeated but not vanquished and the heroic struggle of the people and the martyrdom of many resulted, after 21 long years, in the formation of a government by the daughter of Bangabandhu, Sheikh Hasina through the power of the ballot exercised on 12th June 1996.

 Achievements of Bangladesh Awami League (1996-2001)

A glorious chapter replete with successes was written during the five year rule of Awami League from 1996-2001. In only five years, Bangladesh attained self sufficiency in food production. Prices remained within the purchasing capacity of the people. Inflation came down to 1.59 percent. Meanwhile, the growth rate of the economy increased to 6.2 percent. The treaty on the water sharing of the river Ganges, the peace accord in Chittagong Hill Tracts, recognition of 21st February as international mother language day, election to the UN Security Council, sub-regional cooperation through the formation of D-8, BIMSTEC and the Association for Asian Parliamentarian for Peace (AAPP) bestowed on Bangladesh a new position of prestige and importance in the global arena.

Various initiatives taken for alleviation of poverty resulted in the reduction of poverty from an annual average of .50 to 1.50 percent, while the human poverty indicator came down from 41.6 percent to 32 percent. Achieving growth of 56 percentage points in the UN Human Development Index (HDI) in five years was a record.  Increase of literacy rate to 65 percent, formulation of an education policy and the removal of session backlogs in educational institutions were significant achievements in the educational front. 

Incredible success was also achieved in the electricity and power, and transport and communication sectors. In only five years, production of 1,800 megawatt of electricity raising the total output to 4300 megawatt, increase in gas production and exploration, completion of the Jamuna Bridge; construction of 62,000 kilometers of paved and unpaved roads and building of 19,000 bridges and culverts vastly improved the country’s overall infrastructure. 
Internal savings increased from 14.7 percent of national income to 18 percent over the five year period and the rate of investment increased from 20 percent to 23.1 percent. During the Awami League rule, 1 lakh 22 thousand small and medium size industries were established. Millions of job opportunities for the unemployed were created through facilitating private investment. One community clinic for every six thousand people was established at govvernment initiative. Withdrawal of taxes and duties on medical equipment encouraged setting up of clinics and hospitals in the private sector. By abolishing monopoly in the mobile telephone sector and making mobile phones available to everyone at low prices and increasing access to information technology by reducing import duties, the Awami League government made it possible for Bangladesh to enter the digital age.

Rule of law and establishment of human rights were ensured by repealing the infamous indemnity ordinance, bringing to trial the killers of Bangabandhu and the four national leaders and by establishing the Law Commission. The Public Administration Reform Commission (PARC) was formed to establish good governance in the country. A progressive women's development policy was also formulated. In the parliament, the Prime Minister’s Question hour was introduced and the Parliamentary Committees were activated and strengthened by appointing members as chairmen of parliamentary committees replacing the ministers. Necessary laws were passed to decentralize power through establishing a four tier local government system. Various steps were taken to bring back the spirit of the liberation war and the glory of freedom movement and  a regeneration of Bengali culture. During the five year rule of Awami League, the country had effectively turned around and transformed itself into a land of immense possibilities. The Awami League’s five year rule will go down in the annals of history as nothing short of a golden period.

Corruption and Misgovernance of BNP-Jamat Alliance Government

Bangladesh in a critical state

The five-year misrule of the BNP-Jamat alliance government did away with all the promises generated by the Awami League government. The situation in Bangladesh became grim both politically and economically. There was a phenomenal rise of terrorism.An assassination attempt was made on the Leader of the Opposition  Sheikh Hasina on 21st August, 2004 ostensibly under government tutelage that resulted in the murder of 24 party leaders and workers, including a women leader Mrs. Ivy Rahman.  BNP-Jamat Alliance and its criminal cronies killed  21,000 leaderss and workers of the Awami League including former Finance Minister and Member of Parliament, SAMS Kibria; labour leader and Member of Parliament, Ahsanullah Master; Advocate Monzurul Imam and Momtazuddin. Hundreds of thousands of Awami League supporters and members of the minority community became victims of political vengeance of the

BNP-JAMAT ALLIANCE.

Criminal syndicates were organized under the patronage of the infamous Hawa Bhaban combine. Thousands of women and girls became victims of rape. Teachers, students, journalists, intellectuals, women and children, businessmen – no group of people could escape the clutches of the fascist forces. People’s lives became absolutely insecure. With support from the government, extreme communal militancy was born and serial grenade and bomb attacks and murders turned Bangladesh into a haven of extremist terrorism. Meanwhile, extra-judicial killings became a norm, and the rule of law disappeared. Bangladesh was then being described as a failed state.

During the five year rule of the BNP-Jamat alliance, prices of food and other essential commodities rose beyond the reach of the common people. Commodity prices increased by 100 to 200 percent. Inflation increased from 1.59 during Awami League rule to over 10 percent during the BNP-Jamat alliance government. On the other hand, the average growth rate of 5.6 percent achieved during the Awami League rule declined to 5.1 percent. Though the population increased by more than one crore, food production decreased to 2 crore 61 lakh tons from the 2 crore 68 1akh tons annually produced during Awami League rule.
Poverty levels again increased to 45 percent and the population planning stagnated. Income disparity between the poor and the rich increased. During the last seven years, an additional one crore twenty lakh people slipped below the poverty line. Both domestic and foreign investment decreased. Though BNP-Jamat combine came to power on the slogan of jihad against corruption, criminalisation and corruption became the policy of the government. Under the leadership of the son of the Prime Minister, criminal godfathers became extremely influential. The Hawa Bhaban became a parallel centre of state power and the source of all corruption and militancy. 
The incredibly high levels of corruption and misuse of power by the Ministers of the BNP-Jamaat alliance; the members of Parliament and the leaders and workers of the alliance as well as a very politicised administration drove Bangladesh to the top of the list of the world's most corrupt nations, where it remained for five successive years.
Governmental corruption, inefficiency and mismanagement led to failure in development. The power crisis became unbearable but the government failed to add a single megawatt of electricity to the national power grid during its entire five year term. In the power sector alone, Taka twenty thousand crore was misused or stolen. Due to the extreme shortfall in the production of power, education and agricultural sectors faced an acute crisis. When farmers took to the streets demanding uninterrupted power supply at Kansat, some twenty of them were shot and killed.
An all-pervasive stagnation prevailed in the education, health, communication and women’s development sectors. The alliance government politicized the administration, police, armed forces, judiciary, universities, public service commission, and all other government and many non-governmental organizations. Hundreds of civil, military and police officers were dismissed from service or given forced retirement. At the same time, irregular appointments and promotion were given to corrupt and inefficient personnel who were party loyalists. Leakage of public service examination question papers became a norm to facilitate recruitment of party cadres. 
The constitution was amended and the retirement age of the judges of the appellate division of the Supreme Court was extended by two years with the ultimate objective of appointing a party loyalist who would then serve as the Chief Advisor of the Caretaker government. By appointing inefficient and corrupt people as judges, the prestige of the judiciary and its status as a bastion of fairness and justice were destroyed. BNP-Jamaat alliance government made the Parliament ineffective and destroyed all democratic institutions. The opposition members of Parliament were not allowed to speak, the permanent committees ceased to function effectively, and democratic practices were trampled under brute majority enjoyed by the then government. 
The Election Commission was turned into a loyalist organ and election engineering was resorted to so that the BNP-Jamaat alliance could win the election due in January 2007, and permanently enjoy power. Disregarding the constitution and the judgment of the Supreme Court, a voters list was prepared which added12.3 million fake voters. Three hundred party loyalists were appointed as Upazilla election officers. Stealing of people’s voting rights and election engineering were taken to such a level that the whole electoral process lost its credibility.

Caretaker Regime (October 2006-November 2008)

The BNP-Jamaat alliance government faced strong resistance from the public while trying to transfer power to loyalists. At the very end of their rule, they killed 70 leaders and workers of Awami League throughout the country. In its effort to come back to power, the BNP-Jamaat combine began implementing its blue print. Violating constitutional provisions Begum Zia’s puppet President lajuddin Ahmed formed a Caretaker government appointing himself as Chief Advisor. Chief Adviser Iajuddin could never rise above party interests and four of his Advisers resigned in protest against his indecision and duplicity.  He failed to create conditions for a free and fair election and faced people’s resistance. At a critical juncture, on 11 January 2007, Emergency was declared in the country. Prof Iajuddin admitted his guilt and resigned from the position of Chief Advisor. With popular support, a new Caretaker government was formed under the leadership of Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed with behind the scene support of the armed forces. Under the Emergency political activities were banned for an indefinite period.
Meanwhile, the tenure of the present Caretaker government has crossed nearly two years. The government has been ruling the country with various limitations, weaknesses, lapses as well as some successes. This government has separated the judiciary from the executive, reformed the Election Commission, Public Service Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission etc. Another positive step taken by this government was the preparation of a voters' list with photograph. Our armed forces have earned people’s admiration for accomplishing this task with great efficiency. The caretaker government has also reformed the electoral laws and procedure.
The forthcoming parliamentary elections have created an opportunity for the re-establishment of democracy and inspired hopes for rapid socio-economic development mainly by providing good governance and people’s participation. In this context Bangladesh Awami League declares its election manifesto with the promise of change by making our dear motherland a country free from hunger and poverty, illiteracy, corruption and militancy. We believe that the right to vote and the right to food hold the key to the alleviation of poverty.

Our Promise, Work Programme and Declaration

Awami League’s Vision 2021

Awami League is committed to freeing Bangladesh from its current state of crisis and building a country whose citizens are able to live prosperous and happy lives. The year 2021 will mark the golden jubilee of Bangladesh’s independence, while the year 2020 will be the hundredth anniversary of the birth of the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. We envision a democratic system where people choose their government freely and get services from it without hassle, enjoy freedom from fear and intolerance, live with dignity; where every citizen is assured of social justice, environmental protection, human rights and  equal opportunities; and where the rule of law and good governance flourish.  We envision a liberal, progressive and democratic welfare state. Simultaneously we envision a Bangladesh which by 2020/2021, will be a middle income country where poverty will be drastically reduced; where our citizens will be able to meet every basic need and where development will be on fast track, with ever-increasing rates of growth. Towards that goal, Bangladesh Awami League will frame a strategy paper, at the core of which will be the promise of change. This strategy paper will contain both mid-term and long term plans.

Bangladesh Awami League is placing before the nation the following set of election promises, work schedule and declaration in the light of its Vision 2021, and in the context of problems the country is facing as well as the existing global financial crisis. This election manifesto has been prepared keeping in mind the 31-point election reform program of 15th July 2005, the 23-point common minimum program of 14 Party Alliance on 22nd November, 2005 and the experience and realities of the past seven years. Considering the existing politico-socio-economic crisis, five subjects have been given priority:

Five Priority Issues

1.      In The Face Of Global Financial Crisis, Maintenance Of Economic Stability And Control Over Commodity Price Hike

i. Commodity Price Hike: Measures will be taken to reduce the unbearable burden of price hike and keep it in tune with the purchasing power of the people. After giving the highest priority to the production of domestic commodities, arrangements will be made for timely import to ensure food security. A multi-prong drive will be made to control prices along with monitoring the market. Hoarding and profiteering syndicates will be eliminated. Extortion will be stopped. An institution for commodity price control and consumer protection will be set up. Above all, price reduction and stability will be achieved by bringing equilibrium between demand and supply of commodities.
ii. Global Financial Crisis: It is necessary to urgently form a task force which will devise a policy to save Bangladesh from global meltdown, develop a comprehensive information center, continually monitor national and global situations and provide prompt advice to help take necessary decisions. Necessary steps would be taken for investment promotion, energy security, retaining and enhancing domestic demand, safeguarding value of money, assisting exports and continuing export of manpower.

2. Effective Action against Corruption: Multi-pronged measures to fight corruption will be put into place. Powerful people will have to submit wealth statement annually. Strict measures will be taken to eliminate bribe, extortion, rent seeking and corruption. Strong measures will be taken against those having unearned and black money, against loan defaulters, tender manipulators, and users of muscle power in every stage of state and society. State or private monopoly will be broken up. Discretionary power of officials will be curtailed. To establish peoples' right, citizens’ charter will be introduced in every department. Opportunities for corruption will be eliminated or minimized through widespread computerization.

3. Power and Energy: 

i. A comprehensive long term policy on electricity and energy will be adopted. Economic usage of oil, gas, coal, hydro power, wind power and solar energy will be ensured. Big and small power generation stations, coal extraction, and oil and gas exploration will be given priority. Under a three year crash program quick implementation of ongoing and under consideration power generation stations, import of electricity from neighboring countries, arranging 100/150 megawatt gas turbine projects on urgent basis, and the reactivation of the past AL initiatives for constructing 10, 20 and 30 megawatt power stations will be undertaken. A schedule for repair, maintenance and overhauling or salvaging of old power stations will be made to increase and stabilize power production. Supply of gas and LPG will be increased. The Rooppur Nuclear Power Project will be implemented.

In the next three years or by 2011 power production will be increased to 5000 megawatt and by 2013 it will be further increased to 7000 megawatt. 

ii. Priority will be given to exploration and exploitation of oil and new gas fields. Arrangements will be made to supply gas in the north and western regions of the country. Supply of gas and LPG will be significantly increased.

iii. A Coal Policy will be formulated safeguarding national interest. Special initiatives will be taken to ensure economic use of the coal available so far and also to develop coal-based power plants. Priorities will be given to the exploration and exploitation of new coal fields and other mineral resources.

4. Elimination of Poverty and Inequity: The following strategy and aims will be followed for socio-economic development. 

i. The main strategy of poverty reduction will center on bringing vibrancy in agriculture and rural life. Social safety net will be extended for the ultra-poor. By 2013 poverty level and proportion of ultra-poor will be brought down to 25% and 15% respectively. At present there are 65 million poor people in the country. This number will be reduced to 45 million by 2013 and will further come down to 22 million in 2021. In order to achieve this objective, among other steps will be the revival of previously adopted projects such as "one house, one farm", rural housing, ideal village and returning homes. The number of recipients of old age allowance and destitute women allowance would, at the least, be doubled. Employment Banks will encourage young entrepreneurs by supplying necessary capital. Revision of the just formulated PRSP will be undertaken after a thorough evaluation within six months of assuming office.
ii. Employment guidelines: A comprehensive employment guideline will be formulated aiming at poverty reduction, solving unemployment problem and making citizens’ lives meaningful. The core components of the guidelines will be: a. creating employment opportunities in rural economy b. providing credit and training for self-employment c. creating employment opportunities for wage-labour in industries d. promoting sub-contracting arrangements between big and small & medium scale industries and e. providing special training arrangements for facilitating export of labour. The number of unemployed people in the country, estimated at 28 million, will be reduced to 24 million by 2013 and will be further reduced to 15 million by 2021.

5. Establishment of Good Governance:

i. Terrorism and religious extremism will be controlled with iron hand. Trial of war criminals will be arranged.

ii. Genuine independence and impartiality of the judiciary will be ensured. Extrajudicial killings will be stopped. The judgment of the Bangabandhu murder case will be made effective and the retrial of jail killings will be held. Trial of real criminals responsible for the grenade attack of the 21st August, 2004 through proper investigation will be arranged. Rule of law will be established, The Human Rights Commission will be strengthened and made effective, and an Ombudsman will be appointed. Human rights will be strictly enforced.

iii. The on-going reform programme of the Election Commission and electoral system will continue. The Parliament will be made effective and the government will be made accountable for all its activities. Wealth statement and source of income of the Prime Minister, members of cabinet, Parliament members and of their family members will be made public every year. Except for some specific subjects related to the security of the state, Parliament members will be allowed to express differing opinions.

iv. Use of religion and communalism in politics will be banned. Security and rights of religious and ethnic minorities will be ensured. Courtesy and tolerance will be inculcated in the political culture of the country. Militancy and extortion will be banned. Awami League will take initiative to formulate a consensual and unanimous charter of political behavior.
v. Opportunities will be created for the expatriate Bangladeshis to take part in national reconstruction and their right to franchise will be ensured. Special initiatives will be taken to attract expatriate’s remittance in productive investment. A consultancy network will be developed to fruitfully use expatriate’s talents. 

vi. Administration will be free from politicization and will be pro-people. Efficiency, seniority and merit will be the basis of appointment and promotion in public service. Administrative reform, right to information and e-governance will be introduced. A permanent Pay Commission will be set up for civil servants. 

vii. In order to provide security to every citizen of the country, police and other law and order enforcing agencies will be kept above political influence. These forces will be modernized to meet the demands of the time. Necessary steps will be taken to increase their remuneration and other welfare facilities including accommodation.

viii. Rangpur will be made a new administrative division.

Other Important Programs

6. Local Government: Union, Upazilla and District Councils will be strengthened through decentralization of power. District Councils will be transformed into centres for implementation of programmes on education and health and  all other development plans, and programmes, and for maintenance of law and order Every union will be made the headquarter for development and administration of the area and be developed as a planned rural township. And every Upazilla headquarter will be developed as an industrial growth centre and a planned township.
The power and sphere of responsibility of City Corporation and municipalities will be enhanced; the standard and quality of civic facilities will be improved.

7. Agriculture And Rural Development:

i. Our main aim is to ensure "food for all" by taking all possible measures and to make Bangladesh self-sufficient in food by 2013. Subsidy for agricultural inputs will be enhanced and availability of inputs will be made easier. The amount of agricultural loan will be increased and the lending procedure simplified. Incentives will be provided for development of rural warehousing. Fair price for all crops and agricultural products will be ensured. Efforts will be made to attain self-sufficiency in the production of fish, milk, egg, livestock and salt. Efforts will be directed to exporting surplus products after meeting domestic requirement.
ii. Loan for share croppers will be made available, employment facilities for farm labourer will be created and they will be brought under rural rationing system.  

iii. Appropriate measures to face the challenges of globalization will be taken, including developing commercial agriculture, use of genetic engineering methods and development of nonagricultural sector in villages. In order to increase agricultural production, special emphasis will be placed on modernization of agriculture, innovation of technology and expansion of facilities for research in agriculture. 

iv. Village development will include provision of urban facilities and distribution of Khas land among landless farmers. Efforts will be taken to ensure that lease of khas ponds/haors is given to genuine fishermen. All land records will be computerized and a land reform commission will be formed to ensure increased production and social justice in the distribution of land and water bodies.
v. Measures will be taken to reclaim land in the coastal areas.

8. Environment and Water Resources: An integrated policy and plan will be formulated to protect the country from the adverse effects of global warming; to create pollution free environment and to save water resources. Projects will be undertaken for river dredging, water conservation, flood control, prevention of river erosion and protection of forestry. Attempts will also be made for restoring and maintaining ecological balance. Initiatives will be taken to implement the Ganges barrage project to expand irrigation facilities, prevent salinity and to solve the problem of scarcity of sweet water in the Sundarban region. 
Effective regional and international co-operation will be sought for environmental protection and development of water resources. Modern scientific methods will be adopted to prevent water and air pollution and in the disposal of waste.

9. Commerce and Industry:

i. Short, medium and long term plans will be made and implemented for poverty reduction,  efficient management for quick industrialization that can provide employment, speedy expansion of stock market, maintenance of law & order and discipline, elimination of bribe and corruption and administrative difficulties, avoidance of political influence, creation of an investment friendly environment and a  competitive market system, adoption of innovative technology, and provision of infrastructural facilities that are able to attract entrepreneurs and expand domestic market.
ii. In order to encourage investment by local and foreign entrepreneurs and expatriate Bangladeshis, the ONE-STOP facility will be made effective by simplifying legal and procedural formalities. Measures will be put in place to protect indigenous industries.  

iii. Development of IT industry, strengthening of RMG and textile sectors and expansion of food processing, pharmaceuticals, leather, chemical products, toys, jewelry and furniture industries will be given priority. Special initiative will be taken for alternative use of jute and to make jute industry viable. Small and handicraft industries and agro-based industry will be encouraged and will be given all cooperation in the expansion of markets at home and abroad. Expansion in tourism sector, increase in labor export, and investment of remittance received from expatriate Bangladeshis in productive sectors will be ensured.

iv. Assistance will be provided for expansion of small, medium and cottage industries. Special incentives will be given to weavers, blacksmiths and clay potters. Weaving industry will be given protection and  silk, benarasi and jamdani villages will be set up.

10. Human Resources Development

i. Education and Science: In order to ensure human resources development, the highest budgetary allocation will be given to education, science and information technology sectors. An education policy meeting the needs of the time will be framed keeping these in view. Net enrollment at primary level will be increased to 100% by 2011 and by 2017 the country will be rid of the curse of illiteracy. Improvement in the quality of education, depoliticisation of educational institutions, and ensuring a higher salary scale for teachers will be ensured. A permanent Pay Commission and a separate Service Commission will be instituted for teachers. Education up to graduation level will be provided free of cost in phases.  
ii. In order to encourage female education the opportunity for free education along with scholarship will continue.
iii. Educational institutions will be rid of terrorism and session backlogs. Science and technology education will be especially encouraged. Madrasa education will be reoriented to develop productive skills and knowledge for the real world. Scope of science education and research will be expanded. Particular care will be taken in cases of disadvantaged pupils.
iv. More government secondary schools will be set up in the capital in phases. The govt. secondary schools located at every district headquarter will be developed and expanded and government. secondary schools will be established at every Upzilla headquarter in phases.
v. Information and communication technology: The potentials of ICT sector will be realized. Software industry and IT services will be developed by providing all possible assistance to talented young people and interested entrepreneurs. This measure will increase export and promote employment opportunities. Our vision is to make Bangladesh digital in 2021. IT education will be made compulsory at secondary level by 2013 and at primary level by 2021. The task force on ICT that was established during the Awami League rule but rendered ineffective by the BNP-Jamat Alliance will be reactivated. High-tech park, software technology park, ICT incubator and computer villages will be set up at suitable locations in the country.
vi. Welfare of the disabled: The Disabled Welfare Act passed by Awami League in 2000 will be updated and implemented. Special steps will be taken to facilitate education, employment, movement and communication of the disabled and to enhance their social dignity.

11. Health and Family Welfare:

i. In order to ensure health facilities to every citizen of the country, the health policy of the erstwhile Awami League government will be reevaluated and adjusted according to the demands of the time. In the light of this policy, 18000 community clinics, established during Awami League rule, will be commissioned. Nutrition to children and mothers' welfare will be ensured. The Population Policy will be updated. And accordingly birth control and reproductive health care will be ensured.

ii. The arsenic problem will be tackled and measures will be taken to supply pure drinking water for all by 2011 and to provide sanitation facility in every house by 2013.
iii. An appropriate pharmaceutical policy to bring self- sufficiency in the production of medicines of international standard and to promote their export will be formulated. Concurrently, effective measures will be taken for education in traditional medicine and improvement of the quality of traditional medicine.

12. Empowerment of Women and Child Welfare:

In order to ensure women’s empowerment and equality in rights and opportunities, the Women Development Policy formulated by Awami League in 1997 will be revived. The number of reserved seats for women by direct election in the Parliament will be increased to 100. Necessary measures will be taken for appointment of women in senior posts in the administration and in all spheres of employment. Strictest legal measures will be taken to stop oppression of women. Discriminatory laws against the interest of women will be rectified.

13. Welfare of Children and the Juvenile: Child labor will be gradually abolished in all sectors. Use of children in political and other activities through coercion or enticement will be prohibited. In keeping with the UN convention on children's rights, adequate measures will be taken for developing their physical and mental capacity and for their nutrition and entertainment.
14. Youth and Employment:

i. A comprehensive employment policy will be developed setting targets for employment enshrining i. agricultural employment, ii. Off-farm activities in rural areas, iii. Self-employment and income generating activities, iv. Urban service employment, v. wage employment in industry, VI. Employment in infra-structure development, vii. Employment abroad and necessary training for it and viii. Employment of youth and students. 

ii. An employment guarantee scheme will gradually be made effective to provide 100 days employment to one youth per family. All citizens able to work will be registered. A project will be undertaken for young men and women with HSC degrees for appointment in the "national service" for two years.

15. Communication and Infrastructure

I. Appropriate policy and project implementation will be undertaken in transport, road building, housing, and port development and construction sectors. An extensive road network in each district will connect villages, unions, upazillas and the district headquarter. 

II. Appropriate measures will be taken to construct the Padma and Karnaphuli bridge/tunnel, Dhaka-Chittagong four- lane express way, and expansion and modernization of the railway.
III. Rail and road connection with neighboring countries under the Asian Rail and Highways schemes will be established.

IV. Dredging of every big and small river will be undertaken and measures will be taken to maintain their navigability throughout the year. River routs will be improved and river transportation system will be modernized to facilitate safe and cost effective transportation of cargo and passengers.

V. Construction of deep sea ports and modernization of Chittagong and Mongla ports and opening them up to all of Asia will be taken up.

VI. Bangladesh Biman will be restructured to enable it to operate on commercial & profitable basis. Aviation services in the private sector will be encouraged. Modern airports of international standard will be constructed to facilitate air transportation linking Bangladesh with the world.
VII. Telecommunication facilities will be extended up to rural villages. All Upazilas will be brought under internet communication system in the next five years.

VIII. Railway will be given importance and new rail lines will be installed as it maintains communication link with the capital and provides cheaper transportation.
Underground railway, mono or circular rail and navigable river route around Dhaka will be constructed to the solve the public transportation problem and traffic jam in the capital.

16. Labor Policy: 

i. National labour policy will be reevaluated and corrected. Discrepancy in wages between male and female workers will be removed. National minimum wage will be refixed and a permanent wage board will be formed. To meet international demand, trade wise training will be given to produce and export skilled manpower. As per ILO convention, the right to trade union will be granted. 
ii. Rationing system will be introduced for all labourers including garment worker, ultra poor and rural landless farm labourer, as special consideration.

17. Freedom Struggle and Freedom Fighters: 

i. Continuous efforts will be made for the realization of the dream and commitment of liberation war. Dignity and status of the freedom fighters, who are the greatest sons of the nation, will be restored. And in state recognition of their contribution to the nation, steps will be taken to increase their alliance, particularly of the distressed freedom fighters. Arrangements will be made to provide then old-age subsistence allowance and free health care service. Quota in jobs and educational institutions for the children of freedom fighters will continue. As honourable citizens, the freedom fighters will be given the privilege of travel by rail, bus, and river free of cost.
ii. Construction of the Victory Monument in the Suhrawardy Udyan will be completed according to the original plan. Special work programme will be undertaken all over the country to preserve the memory of the war of liberation and to portray its real history. All over the country, slain field and mass graves of the liberation war period will be identified, the names and identities of the martyrs will be collected and memorials in their honour will be built.

18. Religious Minorities, Disadvantaged People and Underdeveloped Areas 

i. Terrorism, discriminatory treatment and human rights violations against religious and ethnic minorities and indigenous people must come to an end permanently. Security of their life, wealth and honor will be guaranteed. Their entitlement to equal opportunity in all spheres of state and social life will be ensured. Special measures will be taken to secure their original ownership on land, water bodies, and their age-old rights on forest areas. In addition, a land commission will be formed. All laws and other arrangements discriminatory to minorities, indigenous people and ethnic groups will be repealed. Special privileges will be made available in educational institutions for religious minorities and indigenous people. Such special privileges will also apply for their employment.

ii. The 1997 Chittagong Hill Tract Peace Accord will be fully implemented. More efforts will be directed toward the development of underdeveloped tribal areas, and special programmes on priority basis will be taken to secure their rights and to preserve their language, literature, culture, and unique lifestyles.

19. Freedom of mass media and information
19.1 The freedom of all types of mass media and flow of information will be ensured. Initiatives will be taken for community radio services, besides national radio network.
19.2 Investigation and trial of assassination of all journalists will be made expeditiously and the real criminals will be given exemplary punishment. Persecution and intimidation of journalists will be stopped. All false cases against them will be withdrawn. 
19.3 Discrimination in distribution of advertisements on partisan consideration shall be discontinued, and development of the newspaper as an industry will be aided. 

20. Defence

20.1 Bangladesh Awami League will keep the armed forces above all controversies with a view to building it up as a patriotic, brave, efficient and invincible force. The defense system will be improved for the security of the people and the country. A National Defence Policy will be formulated. 
20.2 The principle of competence, merit, fitness and seniority will be strictly followed for recruitment, appointment and promotion. Autonomy, as consistent with the Constitution, will be granted in matters of internal discipline, administration and management. Welfare oriented projects will be undertaken for the members of the defense forces. 

20.3 Steps will be taken so that our defence and the police forces can participate more widely in the U. N. Peace-keeping Force and make further contribution to international peace. 
21. Culture and Sports

21.1 The State will provide necessary assistance for preservation of the secular and democratic tradition of Bengali culture as well as further improvement of Bengali language and literature, music, arts and all branches of creative works and fine arts.

The International Mother Language Institute Project undertaken by the Awami League Government earlier (199602001) will be reactivated. 

21.2 Creation of social awareness, scientific and liberal outlook will be emphasized with a view to resisting communalism and narrow mindedness. 

21.3 Laws repugnant to Quran and Sunnah shall not be made. Due respect will be shown to the principles and values of all religions.   

21.4 Sports: Sports arena and organizations shall be depoliticized. Improvement of management, training and facilities shall be made for enhancing the standards of sports to international levels. Sports and exercise for physical and mental development of the children, the adolescent and the young shall be made compulsory for all education institutions.   

22. Government and NGO

The non-government organizations shall be free to manage themselves in accordance with their own internal rules subject to compliance with the laws of the country. The NGOs shall not take part in politics. Transparency and accountability of their income/Receipts and expenditures shall have to be ensured. 

23. Foreign Policy

a. Bangladesh will take an active role in the preservation of world peace. An independent foreign policy will be pursued in adherence to the principles of "Friendship with all and malice towards none." Friendly relationship will be maintained with India, Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar, our neighboring countries, in the context of further strengthening cooperation with all. Regional and sub-regional cooperation will be further strengthened including relationship with the member countries of SAARC, BIMSTEC and D-8.  

b. Development cooperation will be deepened and expanded with the developed countries including USA, European Union, Japan and Canada. Friendly relations will be strengthened with Russia, China and the member states of ASEAN. 

c. Initiatives will be taken for enhancing and deepening relationship with Australia and the Pacific countries.

d. Fraternal relationship with the countries of the Middle East including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Palestine, United Arab Emirates and Kuwait as well as Turkey, Malaysia and Indonesia will be maintained. Solidarity with the Muslim Ummah and economic cooperation within the framework of OIC will be enhanced. Steps will be taken for establishing fruitful relationship with the countries of Africa and South America.

e. A South Asian Task Force will be formed for meeting the challenge of terrorism and ilitancy.

The image and prestige of Bangladesh will be retrieved and improved in the international arena. 

Call to the People of Bangladesh

Dear countrymen,

You are aware that the activities of the past governments have now placed our dear motherland in a critical state. The people do not wish to return to the days of poor governance of the kind they have seen under the BNP-Jamaat Alliance. The people want a country free of terrorism and corruption; they want a just and progressive society. They want to see Bangladesh move towards steady development and good governance.

Bangladesh Awami League, therefore, wants not only a mere change of power. We are determined to salvage the country from its present critical state and to transform it into a land of real democracy with rule of law, having food security, rapid development and peaceful existence. With this end in view we are presenting our long term vision for the nation as well as an implementable five year work plan with specific targets and strategies. 
We believe that the invaluable experience that Bangladesh Awami League gained in administering the country (during the 1996-2001 terms) can be utilized with great efficiency, honesty and commitment to take the country forward. 

We dedicate our Vision-2021 to the young generation, who are enrolled as voters this year for the first time, with the aim of building a bright future for them. In order to prepare ourselves to face the challenges of globalization in this 21st century, we want to utilize the immense potentials of our new generation of voters. We have formulated our Election Manifesto and work programme for them.

We believe the successful implementation of this work programme and Vision-2021 depends on our young generations’ active participation and involvement in the process.
By implementing this Manifesto with the collective efforts of the entire nation, we will present a bright and successful future to the new generation. We call upon them to participate in this great endeavour of national reconstruction and build a bright future for themselves and as well as successive generations. 

Dear Countrymen

If Awami League is voted to rule the country, we will bring back peace and trust in your life by reducing the price of daily essentials.

We call upon you to forget past differences and disputes and, in the spirit of our glorious struggle for freedom, work unitedly in this fight for change. Let us put a permanent end to persecution, deprivation, inequity, and mis-governance. Let us construct a just and democratic society and build a happy, prosperous, golden Bengal. 

We seek the help and blessings of the Almighty in our endeavours.

Joy Bangla. 

Joy Bangabandhu.

Long live Bangladesh. 

ANNEXURE

The vision of Awami League for resolution of crisis and a prosperous future 
(Vision 2021)

Bangladesh as we want to see in 2021

1. Caretaker Government, Democracy & Effective Parliament
*Democracy and strong democratic institutions will be established for holding reliable election at regular intervals, accountability of government and effective Parliament. All necessary steps will be taken for making Parliament effective.  
2. Political framework, Decentralization of Power & People’s Participation
*Local government will be given due importance with a view to effecting radical change of the political system. The local government institutions will play a critical role in development programmes. Self-reliant local self-government institutions will be established at upazila and zila levels to this end. 
3. Good governance through establishing Rule of Law and avoiding Political Partisanship
*Human rights will be established on a strong footing with a view to ensuring rule of law. Independence of the judiciary will be ensured and the Institutions of the State and Administration will be freed from partisan influence. The basis of appointment and promotion will be merit, efficiency, seniority, honesty and loyalty to the Republic; political connection will have no relevance.   
4. Transformation of political culture
*Terrorism, corruption and use of religion for politics will be stopped. Steps appropriate to the time will be taken to establish democratic principles in the political parties, transparency of political funding, civility and tolerance. 
5. A society free from corruption
*The institutions of the State will be made more effective along with the independent and strong Anti-corruption Commission for curbing corruption. Social resistance to corruption will be promoted along side legal steps. All possible steps will be taken to stop corruption such as Charter of Citizens’ Rights, Right to Information, Computerization of Official Documents, and Decentralization of Power. 
6. Empowerment and Equal Rights for Women
*The Women’s Policy of 1997 will be revived for ensuring equal right and access for women to the state and social space; laws which discriminate against women will be amended; and 100 seats will be reserved for women for direct election.
7. Economic Development & Initiative
a. Meeting basic needs: With a view to providing food, clothing, shelter, education and health care to the citizens in accordance with Article 15 of the Constitution, gross domestic product will be raised to 8% by 2013 and 10% by 2021 which will be sustained thereafter. 
b. Population and labour force: Population in 2021 is estimated at 165 million, and labour force at 105 million. Programmes will be taken up for employment of 85% of the work force. 
c. Alleviation of poverty: We aim not at reduction of poverty, but removal of poverty, to which end we shall try to achieve the Millennium Goals declared by UN by 2015, and by 2017 latest. Beginning in 2021, poverty will be reduced to 15% from 45% now progressively. Poverty will rise from 45 million now to 65 million in 2021, and then fall to 25 million in 2021. Sustainable safety net will be established for the extreme poor until poverty is removed. 
d. Food & nutrition: Food deficit will be removed and self-reliance in food production achieved by 2012, which will enable us to meet the nutrition needs of 85% of the population. 
e. Health Care: By 2021, minimum daily intake of 2122 kilo calories of food, elimination of contagious disease, primary health care and sanitation for all will be ensured. Average longevity will be increased to seventy years, and efforts will be made for the reduction of child and maternal mortality.
f. Education: Enrolment at the primary level will be increased to 100 percent net by 2010. Elimination of illiteracy by 2014, improvement in the quality of education, creation of a generation educated in science and technology, make degree level education free by 2013 and ensuring higher salary for teachers are the other educational goals. 
g. Industry: A strong foundation for industrialization will be established by 2021. Contribution of the industrial sector to national GDP will be doubled. Primacy will be given to agro and labour intensive industries and the highest emphasis will be given to information technology sector. The investment policy will be geared to implementing a strategy attracting both domestic and foreign investment.
h. Energy Security: An energy policy will be adopted tapping all sources of traditional and non-traditional energy to ensure accelerated rate of economic development and industrialization. A three year crash programme will be taken up to meet the existing crisis. By 2015, electricity production will be increased to 8000 megawatt. By 2021, demand for electircity is projected to increase to 20,000 megawatt. We will take all possible actions aiming at enhancing our generation capacity. To increase gas production, regular survey of gas resources and work on well development will be undertaken. To meet energy demand, efforts will be undertaken for regional energy security through mutual cooperation in addition to exploring internal sources.
i. Infrastructural Development: Road, rail, river and air transport and telecommunication systems will be expanded. Construction of bridge, tunnel for Padma and Karnaphuli rivers, connecting Bangladesh with Asian Highway and Asian Railway, improvement of port facilities, building of a deep sea port to open up Bangladesh ports to countries of Asia will be implemented. In Dhaka, construction of metro tunnel, elevated rail and circular rail to remove traffic jams and to solve public transport problems will be studied forthwith in order to undertake a feasible project. The project will then be implemented on a priority basis
j. Housing: By 2015, housing for all will be ensured. In every union and upazila, ‘growth center’ centric village housing and in towns housing with modern amenities will be implemented.
k. Environment: All measures will be taken to protect Bangladesh-- including planned migration abroad-- from the adverse effects of climate change and global warming. Facing natural calamities, planned reduction of air pollution, prevention of industry and transport related air pollution and disposal of waste in scientific manner will be ensured. Steps will be taken to make Bangladesh an ecologically attractive place through retention of forests and water bodies and prevention of river erosion. 
l. Water Resources: Bangladesh Awami League will take the initiative to formulate a comprehensive regional water policy along with India, Nepal and Bhutan for regional water security. In addition, in keeping with a comprehensive water police, articulated earlier by Bangladesh Awami League, measures will be taken for development of our water resources and their rational use.
8. Bangladesh in the Global Arena
a. Achievments of liberation: Multi-pronged measures will be taken to uphold the glorious history and the fruits of liberation, to energize the new generation with the spirit of liberation struggle, patriotism and love for humanity. Highest priority will be given to development of innovative spirit of the younger generations and opportunity will be provided for them to participate in nation building activities. 
b. Culture: Measures will be taken to remove obstacles in the development of Bengali culture, literature, art, music and sport and to provide all opportunities by the state to enable the younger generations to attain international standards and to contribute to the nation.
c. Foreign Policy: In international affairs Bangladesh will follow the policy of ‘friendship towards all and malice towards none’.

Proposed Milestones

• 2010: 100 percent net student enrolment at primary level.
• 2011:  Supply of pure drinking water for the entire population. 
• 2012:  Self-sufficiency in food.
• 2013:  Each house brought under hygienic sanitation. 
• 2013:  Attain 8 percent annual growth rate; this will be increased to 10 percent in 2017 and sustained.
• 2013:  Bangladesh generates 7000 megawatt of electricity which will be further increased to 8000 megawatt in 2015. Steps will be taken to increase power generation capacity assuming that the demand for power will reach the level of 20000 megawatt in 2021. 
• 2013:   Free tuition up to degree level.
• 2014:  Bangladesh attains full literacy.
• 2015:  Living accommodation for the entire population. 
• 2021:  Contribution of agriculture, industry and service sector to GDP will stand at 15, 40 and 45 respectively in place of 22, 28 and 50 percent as at present. 
• 2021:  Unemployment reduced to 15 percent from the present rate of 40 percent.
• 2021:  Labor in agriculture comes down to 30 % from 48% at present. 
• 2021:  Labor in industry is 25% from 16% and in service 45% from 36% at present.
• 2021:  Poverty rate comes down to 15% from 45% at present. 
• 2021:  Bangladesh known as a country of educated people with skills in information technology. 
• 2021:  85% of the population have standard nutritional food. 
• 2021:  Poor people ensured a minimum of 2122 kilo calories of food. 
• 2021:  All kinds of contagious diseases eliminated. 
• 2021: Longevity increases to 70 years.
• 2021:   Infant mortality comes down to 15 from 54 per thousand at present 
• 2021:   Maternal death rate reduced to 1.5% from 3.8%. 
• 2021:  Use of birth control methods increased to 80